his sailors had such confidence in his nautical ability that they felt
no anxiety, and obeyed his orders with a -sang froid- of which,
unfortunately, the Maoris were the sole spectators.
The sloop which was conveying the sick to land had no time to reach
the shore, before the storm broke in all its fury, and she was driven
into Refuge Creek. The sailors and invalids were cordially welcomed by
a chief called Naginoui, who received them into his cabin, and
bestowed upon them all the green provisions which he could procure
during their stay.
One of the boats which was towed behind the -Saint-Jean Baptiste- was
carried away by the waves. Surville saw it stranded in Refuge Creek.
He sent in search of it, but only the rudder was found. The natives
had carried it off. The river was searched in vain; there was no trace
of the boat. Surville would not allow this theft to go unpunished. He
made signs to some Indians who were near their pirogues to approach
him. One of them ran to him at once, and was immediately seized and
carried on board. The others fled.
"He seized one pirogue," says Crozet, "and burnt the other; set fire
to the huts and returned to the ship. The Indian who was taken was
recognized by the surgeon as the chief who had so generously assisted
them during the storm. It was the unfortunate Naginoui, who, after the
services he had rendered the whites, could hardly have anticipated
such treatment at their hands, when he obeyed Surville's signal."
He died on the 24th of March, 1770, near the island of Juan Fernandez.
We will pass over the observations made by the French navigator upon
the natives, and the productions of New Zealand, as they are merely a
repetition of those of Captain Cook.
Surville, convinced that he could not obtain the provisions he needed,
put to sea a few days later, and steered between the parallels of 27
degrees and 28 degrees S. lat.; but the ravages of the scurvy, which
increased daily, decided him on steering for the coast of Peru without
delay.
He sighted it on the 5th of April, 1770, and three days later cast
anchor off the Chilica Bar at the entrance of Callao.
In his haste to reach the land, and seek help for his sick, Surville
was unwilling to allow any one else to visit the governor.
Unfortunately his boat was capsized by the waves that break over the
bar, and only one of the crew was saved. Surville and all the rest
were drowned.
Thus miserably perished this great navigator, too early for the
services he might have rendered to his country and to science. As for
the -Saint-Jean Baptiste-, she was detained "for three years" before
Lima by the interminable delays of the Spanish customs. Labbé assumed
the command, and took her back to Lorient on the 23rd of August, 1773.
As we have already related, M. de Bougainville had taken a Tahitan
named Aoutourou to Europe. When this native expressed a desire to
return to his native land, the French administration had sent him to
Mauritius, with orders to the governor of that colony to facilitate
his return to Tahiti.
A naval officer, Marion Dufresne, availed himself of this opportunity,
and offered Poivre, the Governor of Mauritius and Bourbon, to send the
young Aoutourou to Tahiti at his own expense and in a vessel belonging
to him. He only required that a vessel belonging to the state might be
assigned to him, and a small sum of money advanced to assist him in
the preparations for the expedition.
Nicholas Thomas Marion Dufresne was born at St. Malo on the 22nd of
December, 1729, and had entered the naval service very young. On the
16th of October, 1746, he was made lieutenant of a frigate, and at the
time of his offer was still only captain of a fire ship. Still he had
served everywhere with distinction, and nowhere more successfully than
in the Indian Seas.
The mission for which he offered himself was merely a pretext for a
voyage of discovery in the Southern Seas.
Poivre, an intelligent governor and a friend to progress, approved of
Dufresne's projects, and gave him detailed instructions for the
enterprise he was about to undertake in the Southern Hemisphere. At
this time Cook had not yet proved the non-existence of an Antarctic
Continent.
Poivre would dearly have liked to have discovered the northern portion
of the lands he imagined to lie near the French colonies, and where he
hoped to meet with a more temperate climate. He calculated upon
finding timber for masts, and many other necessaries there, such as
provisions, which he was now obliged to obtain at heavy cost from the
metropolis. Moreover, there might be a safe port, where vessels could
find shelter from the storms which almost periodically ravaged the
islands of Mauritius and Bourbon.
The government had just sent a ship's lieutenant, M. Kerguelen, to
make discoveries in these unknown seas. Marion's expedition, which was
to try a different route, could not fail to aid in the solution of the
problem.
On the 18th of October, 1771, the -Mascarin-, commanded by Marion, and
the -Marquis de Castries-, under the Chevalier Du Clesmeur, midshipman,
set sail. They put in first at Bourbon Island. There they took
Aoutourou on board. He was unfortunately infected with small-pox,
which he had caught in the Mauritius; and the illness soon declared
itself, so that it was necessary to leave Bourbon lest he should
communicate it to the inhabitants. The two vessels then made for Port
Dauphin, on the coast of Madagascar, in order to allow the malady to
run its course, before proceeding to the Cape, where they were to
complete provisioning. Young Aoutourou soon died of the disease.
Under these circumstances, was it necessary to return to Mauritius,
disarm the ships, and give up the expedition? Marion thought not. With
greater freedom of action, he determined to make himself famous by a
new voyage, and he inspired his companions with enthusiasm like his
own.
He soon reached the Cape of Good Hope, where he completed in a few
days the provisioning necessary for an eighteen months' voyage.
A southerly route was chosen towards the land discovered in 1739 by
Bouvet de Lozier, and which was to be looked for east of the meridian
of Madagascar.
Nothing remarkable occurred from the 28th of December, 1771, the day
upon which the vessels had left the Cape, until the 11th of January.
It was then discovered, by taking the longitude 20 degrees 43 minutes
east of the Paris meridian, that they were in the parallel (40 degrees
to 41 degrees south) of the islands named in Van Keulen's chart as
Dina and Marvezen, and not marked at all upon French maps.
Although the presence of land-birds induced Marion to suppose that he
was not far from the islands, he left these latitudes on the 9th of
January, convinced that his search for the southern continent ought to
occupy his entire attention. The 11th of January found him in 45
degrees 43 minutes S. lat., and, although it was summer in these
regions, the cold was severe, and snow fell without ceasing. Two days
later, in a dense fog, which was succeeded by rain, Marion discerned
land which extended a distance of five leagues from the W.S.W. to the
E.N.E. The soundings gave a depth of eighty fathoms with a bottom of
coarse sand mixed with coral. This land stretched away till it could
be seen behind the vessels, that is to say, over a distance of six to
seven leagues. It appeared to be very lofty and mountainous. It
received the name of Hope, marking Marion's great desire to reach the
southern continent. Four years later Cook called it Prince Edward's
Island.
To the north lay another territory.
Crozet, editor of Marion's voyage, says,--
"I noticed, in coasting along this island, that to the N.E. there
existed a creek, opposite to what appeared to be a large cavern. All
around this cavern he remarked a number of large white spots, which
looked like a flock of sheep. Had time allowed, he might have found
anchorage opposite the creek. I fancied I saw a cascade issuing from
the mountains. In rounding the island we discovered three islets
detached from it, two of them situated in the large bay formed by the
coast, and the third on its northern extremity. The island itself was
about seven or eight leagues in circumference, without verdure, and
apparently barren. The coast was healthy and safe. M. Marion named it
Cavern Island.
"These two southern territories are situated in 45 degrees 45 minutes
S. lat. by 34 degrees 31 minutes east of the Paris meridian, half a
degree east of the route pursued by Bouvet. Next day, about six
leagues of the coast of the land of Hope was made out. It looked
fertile. The mountains were lofty and covered with snow. The
navigators were about to look for anchorage, when, during the sounding
operations, the two ships ran foul of each other and were both damaged.
Three days were occupied in repairs. The weather, which had hitherto
been fine, broke up, and, the wind becoming violent, it was necessary
to continue the course following the forty-sixth parallel. New lands
were discovered on the 24th of January.
"At first," says Crozet, "they appeared formed of two islands; I took
a sketch at a distance of eight leagues, and shortly afterwards we
took them for two capes, imagining we could see in the far distance a
stretch of land between them. They are situated in 40 degrees 5
minutes S. lat. and about 42 degrees E. long. reckoning from the
meridian of Paris. M. Marion named them Les Îles Froides, or the Cold
Islands.
"Although little progress was made during the night, the islands were
invisible next morning. Upon this day the -Castries- signalled land,
which stretched some ten or twelve leagues E.S.E.; but a dense fog,
lasting no less than twelve hours, continued rain, and cold, which was
severe and trying to lightly-clad men, made any approach nearer than
six or seven leagues impossible.
"This coast was seen again upon the 24th, as well as new land, which
received the name of the Arid Island, and is now known as Crozet
Island. Marion was at length able to lower a boat, and ordered Crozet
to take possession of the larger of the two islands in the name of the
king. It is situated in 46 degrees 30 minutes S. lat., and 43 degrees
E. long., reckoning from the Paris meridian. M. Marion called this
island La Prise de Possession (it is now known as Marion Island). This
was the sixth island discovered by us in these southern waters. From a
height I discerned snow in many of the valleys. The land appeared
barren, and covered with very small grass. I found neither tree nor
bush in the island. Exposed to the continual ravages of the stormy
west winds which prevailed the entire year in these latitudes, it
appeared uninhabitable. I found nothing there but seals, penguins,
sea-gulls, Mother Carey's chickens, and every variety of aquatic birds,
usually met with by navigators in the open sea, when passing the Cape
of Good Hope. These creatures, never having seen a man, were not wild,
and allowed us to take them in the hand. The female birds sat
tranquilly upon their eggs, others fed their young, whilst the seals
continued their gambols in our presence, without appearing in the
least alarmed."
Marion continued to steer between 46 degrees to 47 degrees lat. in the
midst of a fog so dense that it was impossible to see from one end of
the deck to the other, and without constant firing the ships must have
parted company. Upon the 2nd of February the two ships were in 47
degrees 22 minutes E. long., that is to say within 1 degree 10 minutes
of the lands discovered upon the 13th of the same month by the king's
vessels -La Fortune- and -Le Gros Ventre-, commanded by MM. de
Kerguelen and Saint Allouarn. Doubtless, but for the accident to the
-Castries-, Marion would have fallen in with them.
Having reached 90 degrees east of the Paris meridian, Marion changed
his route, and directed his course to Van Diemen's Land. No incident
occurred during the cruise, and the two vessels cast anchor in
Frederick Henry Bay.
Boats were at once lowered, and a strong detachment made its way to
the shore, where some thirty natives were found; and the country,
judging from the fires and smoke, must have been well populated.
"The natives of the country," says Crozet, "came forward willingly.
They picked up wood and formed a sort of pile. They then presented the
new comers with pieces of dried wood which they had lighted; and
appeared to invite them to set fire to the pile. No one knew what the
ceremony might mean, and it was accordingly tried. The natives did not
appear surprised. They remained about us, without making any
demonstration either of hostility or friendship, and their wives and
children were with them. Both men and women were of ordinary height,
black in colour, with woolly hair, and all were naked. Some of the
women carried their children tied on to their backs with rushes. All
the men were armed with pointed sticks and stones, which appeared to
us to be sharp, like hatchets.
"We attempted to win them over by small presents. They disdainfully
rejected all that we offered, even iron, looking-glasses,
handkerchiefs, and pieces of cloth. Fowls and ducks which had been
brought from the ship were shown to them; as evidence that we wished
to trade. They took them, looked at them as if they had never seen
such things before, and threw them aside with an angry air."
[Illustration: "A lighted brand was also presented to them."]
An hour had been spent in the attempt to gain the good-will of the
savages, when Marion and Du Clesmeur landed. A lighted brand was also
presented to them, and fully persuaded that it was a peaceful ceremony,
they did not hesitate to light the pile which was prepared. They were
mistaken, for the natives immediately retired and flung a volley of
stones, which wounded the two captains. They retaliated by a few shots,
and the whole party re-embarked.
After another attempt at landing, which the natives opposed with great
bravery, it was necessary to repulse them by a volley which wounded
several and killed one. The crew then landed and pursued the natives,
who made no attempt to resist them.
Two detachments were sent in search of a watering place, and of trees
suitable for repairing the masts of the -Castries-. Six days passed in
fruitless search; fortunately not wholly wasted, as many curious
observations were made on behalf of science.
"From the considerable number of shells which we found at short
distances," says Crozet, "we concluded that the ordinary food of these
savages was mussels, cockles, and various shell-fish."
Is it not strange to find, among the New Zealanders, the remains of
food similar to that with which we are familiar on the Scandinavian
coasts? Is not man everywhere the same, and incited by the same needs
to the same actions?
Finding it waste of time to seek for water and wood with which to
remast the -Castries- and repair the -Mascarin-, which leaked a good
deal, Marion started on the 10th of March for New Zealand, and reached
that island fourteen days later.
New Zealand, discovered by Tasman in 1642, and visited by Cook and
Surville in 1772, was now becoming known.
The two vessels made for land at Mount Egmont, but the shore was so
steep at this point, that Marion put back to sea and returned to
reconnoitre the land upon the 31st of March in 36 degrees 30 minutes
latitude.
He coasted along the shore, and, in spite of contrary winds, returned
northward as far as the Three Kings Islands. He found it impossible to
land there. It was therefore necessary to reach the mainland, and
anchor was cast opposite Cape Maria-Van-Diemen, the most northerly
extremity of New Zealand. The anchorage was soon perceived to be bad,
and after many attempts Marion stopped at Cook's Island Bay on the
11th of May.
Tents were erected on one of the islands, where wood and water were
found, and the sick were installed there under a strong guard. The
natives came on board, some of them even slept there, and trade,
facilitated by the use of a Tahitan vocabulary, was carried on in
grand style.
"I remarked with surprise," says Crozet, "that among the savages who
came on board were three distinct species of men. One of these
appeared to be the original native, and was of a yellowish white
colour, taller than the others, the usual height being from five foot
nine to five foot ten inches; he had smooth black hair. The more
swarthy and somewhat smaller men had slightly curling hair. And lastly,
the genuine negro, with woolly hair and of smaller stature than the
others, but usually broader chested. The first have very little beard,
whilst the negroes have a great deal."
This curious observation was afterwards verified. It is unnecessary to
linger over the customs of the New Zealanders, or over Marion's minute
description of their fortified villages, their arms, clothing and
food; these details are already known to our readers.
The French pitched three camps on land. The first for the sick, upon
Matuaro Island, the second upon the mainland, which served as a depôt,
and a means of communication with the third, which was the workshop of
the carpenters, and was some two leagues away in the midst of a wood.
The crew, persuaded by the friendliness of the natives, made long
excursions into the interior, and received a hearty welcome everywhere.
Confidence was at length so fully established that, in spite of
Crozet's representations, Marion ordered the sloops' boats to be
disarmed. This was unpardonable imprudence in a country where Tasman
had given the name of Assassin Bay to the first point on which he
landed, where Cook had met with cannibals, and had been nearly
massacred.
On the 8th of June, Marion landed, and was received with even greater
demonstrations of friendship than usual. He was proclaimed head chief
of the country, and the natives placed four white feathers in his hair,
as insignia of royalty.
Four days later he again landed with two young officers, MM. de
Vaudricourt and Le Houx, a volunteer and captain of arms, and a few
sailors, seventeen persons in all. Evening approached, but no one came
back to the ship. At first no anxiety was felt, for the hospitable
customs of the natives were well-known. It was supposed that Marion
had slept on shore, to be ready to visit the workshops in the morning.
On the 13th of June the -Castries- sent her boat for the daily supply
of wood and water. At nine o'clock a man was seen swimming towards the
ships. A boat was lowered to help him on board. It was one of the
rowers, the only one who had escaped from the massacre of his comrades.
He had received two lance thrusts in the side, and been much
ill-treated.
[Illustration: "The only one who had escaped."]
From his account, it appeared that the natives had at first shown
their usual friendliness. They had even carried the sailors, who
feared getting wet, ashore upon their shoulders. But, when the crew
dispersed to pick up their cargo of wood, the natives reappeared,
armed with spears, tomahawks, and clubs, and threw themselves in
parties of six and seven upon each of the sailors. The survivor had
been attacked by two men only, who had wounded him with two lance
thrusts, and as, fortunately, he was not far from the sea, he had
succeeded in reaching the shore, where he hid himself in some
brushwood. From thence he had witnessed the massacre of all his
companions. The savages had the bodies stripped, and commenced cutting
them up, when he stole noiselessly from his concealment, and threw
himself into the sea, hoping to reach the ship by swimming. Had all
the sixteen men who accompanied Marion, and of whom no news was
received, met a like fate? It seemed probable. In any case, it was
needful to take immediate precautions for the safety of the three
camps. Chevalier Du Clesmeur at once took the command, and, thanks to
his energy, the disaster did not assume worse proportions.
The sloop of the -Mascarin- was armed and sent in search of Marion's
boat and sloop, with orders to warn all the camps, and carry help to
the most distant, where masts and spars were being made. On the road,
upon the shore, the two boats were discovered near the village of
Tacoury. They were surrounded by natives, who had pillaged them after
massacring the sailors.
Without waiting to regain possession of the boats, the officer put on
all speed in the hope of reaching the workshop in time. Fortunately,
it had not yet been attacked by the natives. All work was immediately
stopped, the utensils and weapons were collected, the guns were loaded,
and such objects as could not be removed were buried beneath the ruins
of the shed, which was set on fire.
The retreat was accomplished amongst crowds of natives, crying in
sinister tones, "Tacouri maté Marion," "Tacouri has killed Marion."
Two leagues were traversed in this manner, during which no aggression
was attempted against the sixty men who composed the detachment. Upon
their arrival at the sloop, the natives approached them; Crozet first
sent all the sailors who carried loads on board, then, tracing a line
on the ground, he made it understood that the first native who passed
it would immediately be fired upon. An order was then given to the
natives to seat themselves; and it must have been an imposing
spectacle to see thousands obeying unresistingly, in spite of their
desire to seize the prey which was escaping before their eyes.
Crozet embarked last, and no sooner had he set foot in the sloop than
the war-cry was uttered; whilst javelins and stones were thrown from
every direction. Hostilities had succeeded threats, and the savages
rushed into the water the better to aim at their foes. Crozet found
himself obliged to prove to these wretches the superiority of his
weapons, and gave orders to fire. The New Zealanders, seeing their
comrades fall wounded or dead, without their appearing to have been
touched, were quite amazed. They would all have been killed had not
Crozet stopped the firing. The sick were taken on board without
accident, and the encampment, reinforced and put on guard, was not
molested.
Next day, the natives, who had an important village upon Matuaro
Island, endeavoured to prevent the sailors from fetching the water and
wood they needed. The latter then marched against them, bayonet in
hand, and followed them up to their village, where they shut
themselves in. The voice of the chief inciting them to battle was
heard. Firing was commenced as soon as the village was within range,
and this was so well directed that the chiefs were the first victims.
As soon as they fell, the natives fled. Some fifty were killed, the
rest were driven into the sea, and the village was burned.
It was useless to dream of bringing to the shore the five masts, made
with great difficulty from the cedars which had been cut down, and the
carpenters were obliged to repair the mast with pieces of wood
collected on the ships. The provisioning of the ships with the seven
hundred barrels of water, and seventy loads of wood, necessary for the
voyage, would infallibly occupy at least a month, for there remained
only one sloop.
The fate of Marion, and the men who had accompanied him, was still
unknown. A well-armed detachment therefore started for the village of
Tacouri.
It was abandoned! Only men too old to follow the flight of their
companions remained, and were seated in the doors of their huts. An
effort was made to take them. One of them, without any apparent effort,
at once struck a soldier with a javelin he held in his hand. He was
killed, but no injury was inflicted upon the others who were left in
the village. All the houses were thoroughly searched. In Tacouri's
kitchen a man's skull was found which had been cooked some days before.
Some fleshy parts still remained which bore the impress of the
cannibal's teeth. On a wooden spit, a piece of a human thigh, three
parts eaten, was found. In another house, a shirt was recognized as
having belonged to the unfortunate Marion. The collar was soaked in
blood, and two or three holes were found in the side, also
blood-stained. In various other houses, portions of the clothes, and
the pistols belonging to young Vaudricourt, who had accompanied the
Captain, were brought to light. The boat's arms, and quantities of
scraps of the unfortunate sailors' clothing, were also discovered.
[Illustration: "A man's skull was found."]
Doubt was unfortunately no longer possible. An account of the death of
the victims was drawn up, and Chevalier Du Clesmeur searched Marion's
papers to discover his projects, and the plans for the prosecution of
the voyage. He found only the instructions given by the Governor of
Mauritius.
A council was held with the ship's officers, and, bearing in mind the
lamentable condition of the vessels, it was decided to abandon the
search for new lands, and to make for Amsterdam or Rotterdam Island,
then for the Mariana and Philippines, where there was a chance of
disposing of the cargo, before returning to Mauritius. On the 14th of
July, Du Clesmeur left Treason Port, as he named the bay of these
islands, and the vessels steered towards Amsterdam and Rotterdam
Islands, to the north of which they passed on the 6th of August.
Navigation was aided by splendid weather, a fortunate circumstance, as
scurvy had made such ravages among the sailors, that very few of them
were in a condition to work. At length, on the 20th of September,
Guaham Island, the largest of the Mariana group, was discovered. It
was impossible to cast anchor until seven days later.
The account published by Crozet contains very precise and
circumstantial details regarding this island, with its productions and
inhabitants. We will only transcribe from it one phrase, as explicit
as it is short.
"Guaham Island," he says, "appeared to us a terrestrial paradise. The
air was excellent, the water good, the vegetables and fruits were
perfect, the herds of cattle, goats, and pigs, innumerable; every
species of fowl abounded." Amongst the vegetable productions, Crozet
mentions "Rima," the fruit of which is good to eat, when it has
attained its full growth and is still green.
"In this condition," he says, "the natives gather it for food. They
remove the rough skin, and cut it in slices like bread. When they wish
to preserve it, they cut it in round pieces, and dry it in the sun or
in an oven, in the form of very small cakes. This natural biscuit
preserves its bread-like qualities for several years, and far longer
than our best ship's biscuits."
From Port Agana, Crozet reached the Philippine Islands, and anchored
off Cavite, in Manilla Bay. This was the spot where the -Castries- and
-Mascarin- parted, to go back to Mauritius separately.
Some years previously a gallant officer of the royal navy, Chevalier
Jacques Raymond de Geron de Grenier, who was one of that group of
distinguished men,--the Chazelles, the Bordas, the Fleuriens, the Du
Martz de Gormpy, the Chaberts, the Verduns de la Crenne, who
contributed so zealously to the progress of navigation and
geography--had employed his leisure, during a stay in the Isle of
France, in exploring the adjacent seas.
He had made a very profitable cruise in the corvette, the -Heure du
Berger-, during which he rectified the position of Saint Brandon's
rock, and of the Saya-de-Malha sandbank, examined separately Saint
Michael, Rocque-pire, and Agalega in the Seychelles archipelago, and
corrected the charts of Adu and Diego Garcia Islands. Convinced of the
connexion of the currents with the monsoon, which he had thoroughly
studied, he proposed a shortened route, always open, from the Isle of
France to the Indies. It would be a saving of eight hundred leagues,
and was well worth serious consideration.
The minister of Marine, who had seen Grenier's proposition well
received by the Naval Academy, decided to entrust its examination to a
ship's officer, who was accustomed to work of the kind.
He selected Yves-Joseph de Kerguelen. During two expeditions,
undertaken in 1767 and 1768, for the encouragement and protection of
the cod-fisheries on the coast of Iceland, this navigator had surveyed
a great number of ports and roadsteads, collected astronomical
observations, rectified the map of Iceland, and accumulated a mass of
particulars concerning this little-known country. It was he, indeed,
who gave the earliest authentic account of "geysers," those springs of
warm water which occasionally reach to such great heights, and he also
supplied curious details of the existence of fossil wood, which prove
that at an early geological period, Iceland, now entirely devoid of
trees, possessed enormous forests.
Kerguelen had at the same time published novel details of the manners
and customs of the inhabitants.
"The women," he said, "have dresses, jackets, and aprons made of a
cloth called 'wadmal' which is made in Iceland. They wear an ample
robe above their jackets, rather like that of the Jesuits, but not so
long as the petticoats, which they allow to be seen. These robes are
of different colours, but generally black; they are called 'hempe.'
They are trimmed with velvet or some other ornament. The head-dresses
look like pyramids or sugar-loaves, two or three feet high. The women
ornament the head with a large handkerchief of very coarse cloth,
which stands upright, and they cover it with another finer one, which
forms the shape of which I spoke." Lastly, Kerguelen had collected
very interesting documents, relating to Denmark, the Laplanders, the
Samoyedes, the Faroe Islands, the Orkney and Shetland Islands, which
he had thoroughly explored.
Kerguelen, entrusted with the examination of the route proposed by
Grenier, asked permission of the minister to employ his ship to
explore all the southern lands discovered in 1739 by Bouvet de Lozier.
The Abbé Terray, who had just succeeded the Duke of Praslin, gave him
command of the ship -Le Berryer-, which brought 300 able-bodied seamen
and provisions for fourteen months from Lorient, together with some
ammunition for Mauritius. The Abbé Rochon was associated with
Kerguelen, for making astronomical observations. Upon reaching
Mauritius, on the 20th of August, 1771, Kerguelen exchanged the
-Berryer- for the -La Fortune-, to which a small vessel, the
-Gros-ventre-, with sixteen guns and a crew of a hundred men, was
attached under command of M. de Saint Allouarn.
As soon as the two vessels were equipped, Kerguelen set sail and
steered northward in search of the Mahé Islands. During a great storm,
the sounding lines of the -Fortune- gave an ever-decreasing depth,
first thirty, then twenty, and at last only fourteen fathoms. Anchor
was then cast, and it held fast throughout the tempest.
"Daybreak at last relieved our anxieties," says Kerguelen; "we
perceived neither land nor rock. The -Gros-ventre- was three leagues
distant; her captain could not believe that I was at anchor, for the
noise of the thunder, and the dazzling lightning, prevented his
hearing or seeing my signals. This is the sole instance of a vessel
anchoring in the night in the open sea upon an unknown coast. I set
sail, and allowed the vessels to drift, taking constant soundings. I
at first found fourteen, then twenty, then twenty-five, at last
twenty-eight fathoms. Then I suddenly lost the bottom altogether,
proving that we had passed above a submarine mountain. This new bank,
which I called Fortune Bank, stretched, N.W. and S.E. It is situated
in 7 degrees 16 minutes S. lat. and 55 degrees 50 minutes E. long."
The -Fortune- and the -Gros-ventre- then made for 50 degrees S. lat.,
which was the route recommended by the Chevalier de Grenier. The two
captains were aware that the winds constantly blew from the east, at
this season of the year, and therefore went to the Maldives, and
coasted along Ceylon from Point de Galle, to Trincomalée. Upon their
return the monsoon had changed. The prevailing winds were W. and S.W.
as Grenier had predicted. The route suggested by him had undeniable
advantages, and these have been so amply confirmed by experience that
no other is now followed.
Returning to Mauritius on the 8th of December, Kerguelen hurried his
preparations for departure to such an extent that he was able to start
upon the 12th of January, 1772. He steered southwards, for, supposing
that he found land in that direction, the nearest would naturally be
the most useful for the French colony.
From the 1st of February, numbers of birds seemed to indicate the
proximity of land. Hail succeeded snow. The vessels experienced foul
weather, boisterous winds, and a heavy sea. The first land was sighted
upon the 12th. Next day a second was discovered, and shortly
afterwards a very lofty and extensive cape. The following day at seven
o'clock in the morning, the sun having dispelled the clouds, a line of
coast extending some twenty-five leagues was clearly seen. The vessels
were then in 49 degrees 40 minutes S. lat. and 61 degrees 10 minutes E.
long.
Unfortunately storm succeeded storm, and the two vessels with great
difficulty escaped being cast ashore. Kerguelen was driven northward
by currents, shortly after he had sent a boat to attempt a landing.
"Finding myself so far from land," says Kerguelen, "I reflected upon
the best course to be pursued. I remembered that the state of my mast
was too bad to allow me to crowd sail, and leave the coast, and that,
having no sloop to carry my anchors, I was exposed to extreme danger
whilst near the shore, that in the dense fog it was all but impossible
to find the -Gros-ventre-, from which I had been separated for several
days. It was the more difficult on account of the tempest we had
experienced, and the variable winds that prevailed. These reflections
and my conviction that the -Gros-ventre- was an excellent sailer, and
that she was provisioned for seven months, determined me to return to
Mauritius, which I reached upon the 16th of March." Fortunately no
accident had happened to the -Gros-ventre-. Her boat had returned in
time; M. de Boisguehenneuc, who had landed, had taken possession of
the land with all the usual formalities, and left some writing in a
bottle, which was found by Captain Cook in 1776.
Kerguelen returned to France, but his successful enterprise had gained
him many enemies. When upon the 1st of January, 1772, the king
nominated him captain, and Chevalier de Saint Louis, the attacks upon
him increased. The most malignant slanders were circulated. They even
went the length of accusing him of having scuttled the -Gros-ventre-
in order to derive all the benefit accruing from the discovery which
he had made in concert with M. de Saint Allouarn.
The minister, however, was not influenced by these slanders, and
decided to entrust the command of a second expedition to Kerguelen.
The -Roland-, and the frigate -Oiseau-, left Brest upon the 26th of
March, 1772, the latter under command of M. de Saux de Rosnevet.
Upon reaching the Cape, Kerguelen was obliged to put in for forty days.
The entire crew was suffering from putrid fever, probably owing to the
dampness of the new vessel.
"This appeared the more probable," says the narrative, "because all
the dried vegetables, such as peas, beans, lentils, &c., together with
the rice, and a quantity of biscuits, were spoiled in the store-room.
The vegetables emitted a kind of steam which was infectious, and the
store-rooms became infested with numbers of white worms. The -Roland-
left the Cape upon the 11th of July, but she was almost immediately
overtaken by a frightful tempest, which carried away two topsails, the
jib, and the mizen mast. Finally Mauritius was reached by means of
jury-masts."
MM. de Roches and Poivre, who had contributed so essentially to the
success of the first expedition, had been succeeded by M. de Ternay
and the Intendant Maillard. They appeared determined to offer every
possible obstacle to the execution of Kerguelen's orders. They gave
him no fresh victuals, of which the crew had pressing need, and there
were no means of replacing the masts destroyed by the tempest. In lieu
of the thirty-four sailors who had to go to the hospital, he was
provided only with disgraced or maimed soldiers, of whom he was glad
to rid himself. An expedition to the southern seas, so equipped, could
only come to a disastrous end; and that was precisely what happened.
On the 5th of January, Kerguelen sighted the lands he had discovered
in his first voyage, and between that date and the 16th he recognized
various points, Croy Island, Re-union Island, Roland Island, which in
his estimation made more than eighty leagues of coast. The weather
continued extremely severe; thick fogs, snow, hail, and gales
succeeded each other. On the 21st, the vessels could only keep in
company by constant firing. Upon that day the cold was so severe that
several of the sailors fainted on deck.
[Illustration: Island discovered by M. Marion du Fresnes in 1772,
called Prince Edward's Island by Cook in 1776.]
"The officers," says Kerguelen, "insisted that the ordinary ration of
biscuit was not enough, and that without more the crew could not
possibly resist the cold and fog. I increased each man's rations by
four ounces of biscuit daily."
Upon the 8th of January, 1774, the -Roland- signalled the frigate at
Re-union Island. Communication with her was opened, and M. Rosnevet
declared that he had found an anchorage in a bay behind Cape Français,
that he had sent a boat on the 6th to take soundings, and that, upon
landing to take possession, the men had killed a sea-lion and some
penguins.
Once again, the prostrate condition of the crew, the bad quality of
the victuals, and the dilapidated state of the vessels, prevented
Kerguelen from making a thorough investigation of this desolate
archipelago. He was forced to return; but, instead of returning to
Mauritius, he landed in Antongil Bay, Madagascar, where he was sure of
obtaining lemons, limes, custard apples, and other anti-scorbutics, as
well as fresh meat.
An adventurer named Beniowski, whose history is sufficiently curious,
had just founded a French colony there. But he was in need of
everything. Kerguelen gave him ammunition, bricks, iron implements,
shirts, blankets, &c., and finally ordered his carpenters to build a
store-shed for him.
Thirty-four of the crew of the -Roland- had died since leaving the
southern regions, and if Kerguelen had remained another week in these
latitudes, he would have lost a hundred men! On his return to France,
Kerguelen met with nothing but ill-will and calumny, in return for so
much fatigue, so bravely born. The feeling against him was so strong
that one of his officers was not ashamed to publish a memoir, in which
all the facts were dressed up in the most unfavourable shape, and the
failure of the enterprise thrown upon Kerguelen. We do not assert that
he was entirely free from blame, but we consider the verdict of the
council of war which deprived him of his rank, and condemned him to
detention in the Château of Saumur, most unjust. No doubt the judgment
was found to be excessive, and the government discerned more malice
than justice in it, for a few months later Kerguelen was restored to
liberty. The gravest charge against him was that of having abandoned
his sloop and a portion of his crew, in the southern seas, who, but
for the opportune arrival of the -Fortune-, must have perished.
Probably, however, even this was much exaggerated, for a letter exists
from the abandoned officer, M. de Rosily (afterwards vice-admiral), in
which he begs to serve again under Kerguelen. The account of these
expeditions is an extract from the apology published by Kerguelen
during his imprisonment, a work which was confiscated by government,
and on that account is extremely rare.
We must now turn our attention to the account of expeditions which,
although they did not result in discoveries, had an importance of
their own. They contributed to the rectification of charts, to the
progress of navigation and geography, but, above all, they solved a
long-standing problem, the determination of longitude at sea.
To decide upon the position of a locality it is first necessary to
obtain its latitude, that is to say, its distance N. or S. from the
equator, and its longitude, or in other words its distance E. or W.
from some known meridian.
At this period, no instrument for determining the position of a ship
existed but the rope known as a log, which, thrown into the sea,
measured the distance which the ship made every half minute; the
proportionate speed of the vessel per hour was deduced from it. But
the log is far from immoveable, and the speed of a vessel is not
always the same, hence arose two important sources of error. The
direction of the route was determined by the mariner's needle or
compass. But every one knows that the compass is subject to variations,
and that the vessel does not invariably follow the course it indicates,
and it is no easy matter to determine the exact difference. These
inconveniences once admitted, the question was to find a method exempt
from them.
With Hadley's quadrant, latitude could be determined within a minute,
that is to say, to the third of a league. But such an approximate
exactitude was not possible in deciding longitudes. When once the
different phenomena of the variations of the magnetic needle, either
of declination or inclination, should be fully understood, it would be
easy; but how to obtain this knowledge? It was well known that in the
Indian Sea, between Bourbon, Madagascar, and Rodriguez, a variation of
four degrees in the declination of the needle was equivalent to a
variation of five degrees in the longitude, but it was equally
admitted that the declination of the magnetic needle was subject to
variations, in the same localities, for which no cause could be
assigned.
Verdun de la Crenne, writing in 1778, says a declination of twelve
degrees, from N. to W. twenty years ago, indicated a longitude of 61
degrees W. of Paris, in any given latitude. It is very probable that
within the last twenty years the declination has varied two degrees,
which makes the longitude deduced from it wrong by two and a half
degrees, or nearly fifty nautical miles.
If the right time is known on board, that is to say, the correct time
by which the meridian could be computed at the moment of any given
observation, and if at the same time, the exact time at the port from
which the ship had started, or that if any known meridian could be
ascertained, the difference of time would evidently give that of the
meridians, at the rate of fifteen degrees per hour, or one degree per
four minutes. The problem of the longitude could thus be reduced to a
determination, at a given moment of the time at any given meridian.
To achieve this it was necessary to have a watch or clock which should
preserve a perfect isochronism, in defiance of the state of the sea or
differences of temperature.
Many attempts had been made. Besson in the sixteenth century, Huyghens
in the seventeenth century, and again Sully, Harrison, Dutertre,
Gallonde, Rivas, Le Roy, and Ferdinand Berthoud had attempted to solve
the problem.
The English and French Governments, moreover, convinced of the value
of a perfect instrument, had offered a high reward for its invention.
The Academy of Science had instituted a competition. In 1765 Le Roy
sent in two watches for competition, whilst Berthould, who was in the
king's service, was unable to do so. Le Roy's watches passed
successfully through the various trials to which they were subjected
on land. It remained to be proved whether they would be equally
trustworthy at sea.
The Marquis de Constanvaux had the frigate -Aurora- built at his own
cost for this experiment. Le Roy, however, decided that a cruise, with
constant stoppages, at Calais, Dunkirk, Rotterdam, Amsterdam and
Boulogne, lasting only from the 25th of May to the 29th of August, was
far too short, and he demanded a second trial. This time his watches
were sent on board the frigate, the -Enjouée-, which, leaving Havre,
put in at St. Pierre near Teneriffe, at Salee in Africa, at Cadiz, and
finally, after a voyage of four months and a half, at Brest. The trial
had been a serious one, the latitudes and the state of the sea having
both changed constantly. If the watch had neither lost or gained, it
won the prize, which was in fact assigned to Le Roy.
The Academy, however, knew that many other scientific men had bestowed
their attention upon the subject, and for various causes had been
unable to exhibit. They therefore proposed the same subject for the
competition of 1771, and in 1773 they doubled the prize.
F. Berthould imagined that he had reached perfection, but his watch
had still to be tested by the trial of a long sea voyage.
The -Isis-, a frigate of eighteen guns, was equipped at Rochefort at
the latter end of 1768, and placed under command of Chevalier d'Eveux
de Fleurien, known later as Caret-de Fleurien. Fleurien, then a
midshipman, was already, though only thirty years of age, a well known
-savant-. We have already mentioned his name, and shall find further
occasion to do so. At this juncture, fascinated by mechanics, Fleurien
had assisted Berthould in his undertaking, but that his
disinterestedness might be above suspicion, he selected several
officers to assist him in observing the motions of the watch which was
entrusted to him.
Starting in November, 1768, the -Isis- put in successively at Cadiz,
the Canary Islands, Goree, the Cape Verde Islands, Martinique, St.
Domingo, Terra Nuova, the Canaries, Cadiz again, and reached Aix
Island on the 31st of October, 1769.
The watches, carried through climates alternately cold, hot, and
temperate, had experienced every vicissitude of climate, and at the
same time had been exposed to all the variations of the sea, in the
roughest season of the year.
After this trial, which had redounded so much to his honour, Berthould
obtained the rank and pension of an inspector of nautical watches.
This expedition had other results which concern us more particularly.
Fleurien took a number of astronomical observations, and
hydrographical surveys, which resulted in a well-founded condemnation
of the maps of his country.
"For a long time," he says, in his account of his voyage, "I did not
attempt criticism of the maps belonging to the Society; I wished to
limit myself to giving new details by which they might be rectified;
but I found such numberless and dangerous mistakes, that I should have
considered myself culpable towards mariners if I had neglected fully
to point them out."
A little further on he justly criticizes the maps of a geographer who
had at one time been famous.
"I will not undertake," he says, "to enumerate all the errors which I
have found in M. Bellin's maps. Their number is infinite. I shall
content myself simply with proving the necessity for the work I did,
by indicating the more glaring faults, either by comparing the
positions of various places upon his maps, with the positions they
should have occupied if -M. Bellin had been willing to use the
astronomical observations which have been published at various times-;
or by comparing other positions with those which we have determined by
our own observations."
Lastly, after giving a long list of errors in the situation of the
most frequented places of Europe, of Africa and America, he winds up
with these judicious words:--
"Upon glancing at a list of the various errors I have discovered in M.
Bellin's maps, one is led to a reflection, sad but true and
inevitable--if the maps of the best known part of the globe, and on
which the greater number of observations have been taken, are so far
from correct, what exactitude can we hope to find in maps representing
less frequented shores and islands, drawn and arranged by guess-work?"
Up to this time the watches had been examined separately and by
different judges. Now arose the question of submitting them
simultaneously to the same test, and of seeing which would come out
victorious.
For this purpose the frigate -La Flore- was equipped at Brest, and the
command was given to a most distinguished officer, Verdun de la Crenne,
who was to become vice-admiral in 1786. The various stages of the
expedition were Cadiz, Madeira, the Salvage Islands, Teneriffe, Goree,
Martinique, Terra Nuova, Iceland--which our explorers had some trouble
to find--the Faroe Islands, Denmark and Dunkerque. The narrative
published by Verdun de la Crenne, like that of Fleurien, abounds in
rectifications of every kind. It is easy to see how carefully and
exactly the soundings were taken, with what care the coasts were
surveyed; but not a little interesting also is that which is
altogether wanting in Fleurien's publication, descriptions of the
countries and critical reflections upon the manners and customs of the
different peoples visited.
Amongst the most interesting particulars contained in two large 4to
volumes, we must mention those relating to the Canary Islands and
their ancient inhabitants the Serères and Yolof, on Iceland, and the
accurate remarks made by Verdun upon the subject of the meridian of
Faroe Islands.
"It was the most easterly meridian of these islands," he says, "that
Ptolemy chose for the first meridian. It would doubtless have been
easy for him to have selected Alexandria for the first meridian; but
this great man was aware that such a choice would bring no real honour
to his country, that Rome and other ambitious towns might covet this
imaginary glory, that every geographer, every narrator of voyages,
arbitrarily choosing his own meridian, would engender confusion or at
least embarrassment in the mind of the reader."
Clearly Verdun regarded the question of the first meridian from a high
standpoint, as all really disinterested minds still do. It gives him
yet another claim to our sympathy.
Let us conclude with a quotation from this author: "The watches came
out of the contest with honour. They had borne heat and cold, they had
been becalmed, they had endured shocks as well as the vessel which
carried them when it was wrecked at Antigua, and when it received
charges of artillery. In a word, they fulfilled the hopes we had
indulged, they deserve the confidence of navigators, and lastly they
are of great service in the determination of longitude at sea."
The solution of the problem was found!
II.
The Expedition of La Perouse--St. Catherine's Island--Conception
Island--The Sandwich Islands--Survey of the American coast--French
Port--Loss of two boats--Monterey and the Indians of California--Stay
at Macao--Cavite and Manilla---En route- for China and Japan--
Formosa--Quelpaert Island--The coast of Tartary--Ternay Bay--The
Tartars of Saghalien--The Orotchys--Straits of La Perouse--Ball at
Kamtchatka--Navigator Islands--Massacre of M. de Langle and several of
his companions--Botany Bay--No news of the Expedition--D'Entrecasteaux
sent in search of La Perouse--False News--D'Entrecasteaux Channel--The
coast of New Caledonia--Land of the Arsacides--The natives of Bouka--
Stay in Port Carteret--Admiralty Islands--Stay at Amboine--Lewin
Land--Nuyts Archipelago--Stay in Tasmania--Fête in the Friendly
Islands--Particulars of the stay of La Perouse at Tonga Tabou--Stay at
Balado--Traces of La Perouse in New Caledonia--Vanikoro--Sad fate of
the Expedition.
The result of Cook's voyage, except the fact of his death, was still
unknown, when the French government resolved to make use of the
leisure which the peace just concluded had secured to the navy. The
French officers, desirous of emulating the success of their old rivals
the English, were fired with a noble emulation to excel them in some
new field. The question arose as to the fittest person for the conduct
of an important expedition. There was no lack of deserving candidates.
Indeed, in the number lay the difficulty.
The Minister's choice fell upon Jean François Galaup de la Perouse,
whose important military services had rapidly advanced him to the rank
of captain. During the last war he had been intrusted with the
difficult mission of destroying the English posts in Hudson's Bay, and
in this task he had proved himself not only an able soldier and sailor,
but a man who could combine humanity with professional firmness.
Second to him in the command was M. de Langle, who had ably assisted
him in the expedition to Hudson's Bay.
[Illustration: Portrait of La Pérouse. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
A large staff embarked upon the two frigates -La Boussole- and
-L'Astrolabe-. On board the -Boussole- were La Perouse; Clenard, who
was made captain during the expedition; Monneron, an engineer;
Bernizet, a geographer; Rollin, a surgeon; Lepante Dagelet, an
astronomer of the Academy of Sciences; Lamanon, a physicist; Duché de
Vancy and Prevost the younger, draughtsmen; Collignon, a botanist; and
Guéry, a clock maker. The -Astrolabe-, in addition to her commander,
Captain de Langle, carried Lieutenant de Monte, who was made captain
during the voyage, and the celebrated Monge, who, fortunately for the
interests of science, landed at Teneriffe upon the 30th of August,
1785.
The Academy of Sciences and the Society of Medicine had drawn up
reports for the Minister of Marine, in which they called the attention
of the navigators to certain points. Lastly, Fleurien, the
superintendent of ports and naval arsenals, had himself drawn up the
maps for the service of the expedition, and added to it an entire
volume of learned notes and discussions upon the results of all known
voyages since the time of Christopher Columbus.
The two ships carried an enormous amount of merchandise for trade, as
well as a vast quantity of provisions and stores, a twenty-ton boat,
two sloops, masts, and reserve sets of sails and rigging.
[Illustration: Map of the journey of La Perouse, after the atlas
published by General Millet-Mureau.]
The two frigates sailed upon the 1st of August, 1785, and anchored off
Madeira thirteen days later.
The French were at once charmed and surprised at the kind and cordial
welcome accorded them by the English residents. Upon the 19th La
Perouse put into Teneriffe.
"The various observations," he says, "made by MM. de Fleurien, Verdun,
and Borda, upon Madeira, the Salvage Islands, and Teneriffe leave
nothing to be wished for. Our attention was therefore confined to
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