I.
THE GREAT CORSAIR.
William Dampier; or a Sea-King of the Seventeenth Century.
William Dampier was born in 1612 at East Coker, and by the death of
his parents was from his childhood left to his own control. Not
possessing any great taste for study, he preferred running wild in
the woods, and fighting with his companions, to remaining in his
place on the school benches. While still young he was sent to sea as
cabin-boy on board merchant ships. After a voyage to Newfoundland
and a campaign in the East Indies, he took service in the Naval
Marine, and being wounded in a battle, returned to Greenwich to be
nursed. Free from any prejudices, Dampier forgot his engagement when
he left the Military Hospital, and started for Jamaica in the
position of manager of a plantation. It did not require a long trial
to discover that this occupation was not to his taste. So he
abandoned his negroes at the end of six months, and went on board a
ship bound for the Bay of Campeachy, where he worked for three years
at gathering in woods for dyeing.
At the end of that period he is again found in London, but the laws
and the officers charged with compelling their observance are too
strict for his comfort. He goes back to Jamaica, where he speedily
puts himself into communication with those famous buccaneers and
corsairs, who at that time did so much harm to the Spaniards.
These English or French adventurers, established in the Island of
Tortuga, off the coast of San Domingo, had sworn implacable hatred
to Spain. Their ravages were not confined to the Gulf of Mexico:
they crossed the Isthmus of Panama and devastated the coast of the
Pacific Ocean from the Strait of Magellan to California. Terror
exaggerated the exploits of these pirates, which however presented
something of the marvellous.
It was amongst these adventurers, then commanded by Harris, Sawkins,
and Shays, that Dampier enrolled himself. In 1680 we find him in
Darien, where he pillages Santa Maria, endeavours in vain to
surprise Panama, and with his companions, on board of some wretched
canoes stolen from the Indians, captures eight vessels well armed,
which were at anchor not far from the town. In this affair the
losses of the corsairs are so great in the fight, and the spoil is
so poor, that they separate from each other. Some go back to the
Gulf of Mexico, while others establish themselves upon the island of
Juan Fernandez, whence shortly after they attack Arica. But here
again they were so roughly handled that a new secession takes place,
and Dampier is sent to Virginia, where his captain hoped to make
some recruits. There Captain Cook was fitting out a vessel, with the
intention of reaching the Pacific by the Strait of Magellan, and
Dampier joins the expedition. It begins by privateering upon the
African coast, in the Cape de Verd Islands, at Sierra Leone, and in
the River Scherborough, for this is the route habitually taken by
the ships going to South America. In 36 degrees south latitude,
Dampier, who notes in his journal every interesting fact, remarks
that the sea is become white or rather pale, but of this he cannot
explain the reason, which he might easily have done had he made use
of the microscope. The Sebaldine Islands are passed without incident,
the Strait of Le Maire is traversed, Cape Horn is doubled on the 6th
February, 1684, and as soon as he can escape from the storms which
usually assail ships entering the Pacific, Captain Cook arrives at
the island of Juan Fernandez, where he hopes to revictual. Dampier
wondered if he would find a Nicaraguan Indian there, who had been
left behind in 1680 by Captain Sharp. "This Indian had remained
alone upon the island for more than three years. He had been in the
woods hunting goats when the English captain had ordered his men to
re-embark, and they had set sail without perceiving his absence. He
had only his gun and his knife, with a small horn of powder and a
little lead; when his powder and lead were exhausted he had
contrived to saw the barrel of his gun into small pieces with his
knife, and out of them to make harpoons, spears, fish hooks and a
long knife. With these instruments he obtained all the supplies
which the island afforded: goats and fish. At the distance of half a
mile from the sea, he had a small hut covered with goat skins. He
had no clothes left, but an animal's skin covered his loins." We
have dwelt at some length upon this involuntary hermit because he
served Daniel de Foe as the original of his "Robinson Crusoe," a
romance which has formed the delight of every child.
We shall not relate minutely all the expeditions in which Dampier
participated. Suffice it to mention that in this campaign he visited
the Gallapagos Islands. In 1686, Dampier was serving on board of
Captain Swan's ship, who, seeing that the greater part of his
enterprises failed, went to the East Indies, where the Spaniards
were less upon their guard, and where the corsairs reckoned upon
seizing the Manilla galleon. But when our adventurers arrived at
Guaham, they had only three days' provisions, and the sailors had
plotted if the voyage should be prolonged, to eat in turn all those
who had declared themselves in favour of the voyage, and to begin
with the captain who had proposed it. Dampier's turn would have come
next. "Thus it came to pass," says he very humourously, "that after
having cast anchor at Guaham, Swan embraced him and said: 'Ah
Dampier, you would have made them but a sorry meal.' He was right,"
he adds, "for I was as thin and lean, as he was fat and plump."
Mindanao, Manilla, certain parts of the Chinese coasts, the Moluccas,
New Holland, and the Nicobar Islands, were the places visited and
plundered by Dampier in this campaign. In the last-named archipelago
he became separated from his companions, and was discovered half
dead upon the coast of Sumatra.
[Illustration: "Ah! Dampier, you would have afforded them but a
sorry meal."]
During this voyage, Dampier had discovered several hitherto unknown
islands, and especially the Baschi group. Like the thorough
adventurer he was, immediately he recovered his health he travelled
over the south of Asia, Malacca, Tonkin, Madras, and Bencoolen,
where he enrolled himself as an artilleryman in the English service.
Five months afterwards he deserted and returned to London. The
narrative of his adventures and his privateering obtained for him a
certain amount of sympathy amongst the higher classes, and he was
presented to the Earl of Oxford, Lord High Admiral. He speedily
received the command of the ship -Roebuck- to attempt a voyage of
discovery in the seas which he had already explored. He left England
on the 14th January, 1699, with the intention of passing through the
Strait of Magellan, or of making the tour of Tierra del Fuego, so as
to commence his discoveries on the coasts of the Pacific, which had
hitherto received the visits of a comparatively small number of
travellers. After crossing the line on the 10th March, he sailed for
Brazil, where the ship was revictualled. Far from being able again
to descend the coast of Patagonia, he beheld himself driven by the
wind to forty-eight miles south of the Cape of Good Hope, whence he
steered east-south-east towards New Holland, a long passage which
was not signalized by any adventure. On the 1st August, Dampier saw
land, and at once sought for a harbour in which to land. Five days
later he entered the Bay of Sea-Dogs upon the western coast of
Australia; but he only found there a sterile soil, and met with
neither water nor vegetation. Until the 31st August, he sailed along
this coast without discovering what he sought. Once when he landed,
he had a slight skirmish with some of the inhabitants, who seemed to
be very thinly scattered over the country. Their chief was a young
man of middle height, but quick and vigilant; his eyes were
surrounded by a single ring of white paint, while a stripe of the
same colour descended from the top of his forehead to the end of his
nose; his chest and arms were likewise striped with white. His
companions were black, fierce in aspect, their hair woolly, and in
shape they were tall and slender.
For five weeks Dampier hovered near land, and found neither water
nor provisions; however, he would not give in, and intended to
continue to ascend the coast northwards, but the shallows which he
incessantly encountered, and the monsoon from the north-west which
was soon due, obliged him to give up the enterprise, after having
discovered more than 900 miles of the Australian continent. He
afterwards steered towards Timor, where he intended to repose and
recruit his crew, exhausted by the long voyage. But he knew little
of these parts, and his charts were quite insufficient. He was
therefore obliged to make a reconnaissance of it, as if the Dutch
had not already been long settled there. Thus he discovered a
passage between Timor and Anamabao, in a locality in which his map
only indicated a bay. The arrival of Dampier in a port known only to
themselves, astonished and greatly displeased the Dutch. They
imagined that the English could only have reached it by means of
charts taken on board a ship of their own. However, in the end they
recovered from their fright and received the strangers with kindness.
Although the precursors of the monsoon were making themselves felt,
Dampier again put to sea, and steered towards the western coast of
New Guinea, where he arrived on the 4th February, 1700, near to Cape
Maho of the Dutch. Amongst the things which struck him, Dampier
notices the prodigious quantities of a species of pigeon, bats of
extraordinary size, and scallops, a kind of shell fish, of which the
empty shell weighed as much as 258 lbs. On the 7th of February he
approaches King William's Island and runs to the east, where he soon
sights the Cape of Good Hope of Schouten, and the island named after
that navigator. On the 24th the crew witnessed a curious spectacle:
"Two fish, which had accompanied the vessel for five or six days,
perceived a great sea serpent, and began to pursue it. They were
about the shape and size of mackerel, but yellow and green in colour.
The serpent, who fled from them with great swiftness, carried his
head out of the water, and one of them attempted to seize his tail.
As soon as he turned round, the first fish remained in the rear, and
the other took his place. They retained their wind for a long time,
always heedful to defend themselves by flight, until they were lost
to view."
On the 25th, Dampier gave the name of Saint Matthias to a
mountainous island, thirty miles long, situated above and to the
east of the Admiralty Islands. Further on at the distance of
twenty-one or twenty-four miles, he discovered another island, which
received the name of Squally Island, on account of violent
whirlwinds which prevented him from landing upon it. Dampier
believed himself to be on the coast of New Guinea, while he was in
reality sailing along that of New Ireland. He endeavoured to land
there, but he was surrounded by canoes carrying more than 200
natives, and the shore was covered by a large crowd. Seeing that it
would be imprudent to send a boat on shore, Dampier ordered the ship
to be put about. Scarcely was the order given, when the ship was
assailed by showers of stones, which the natives hurled from a
machine of which Dampier could not discover the shape, but which
caused the name of Slingers' Bay to be given to this locality. A
single discharge of cannon stupefied the natives, and put an end to
hostilities. A little further on, at some distance from the coast of
New Ireland, the English discover the Islands of Denis and St. John.
Dampier is the first to pass through the strait which separates New
Ireland from New Britain, and discovers Vulcan, Crown, G. Rook, Long
Reach and Burning Islands.
[Illustration: Battle in Slingers' Bay.]
After this long cruise, distinguished by important discoveries,
Dampier again steered towards the west, reached Missory Island, and
at length arrived at the Island of Ceram, one of the Moluccas, where
he made a somewhat long stay. He went afterwards to Borneo, passed
through the Strait of Macassar, and on the 23rd of June anchored at
Batavia, in the Island of Java. He remained there until the 17th of
October, when he set out for Europe. On arriving at the Island of
Ascension on the 23rd of February, 1701, his vessel had so
considerable a leak that it was impossible to stop it. It was
necessary to run the ship aground and to put the crew and cargo on
shore. Happily there was no want of water, turtles, goats, and
land-crabs, which prevented any fear of dying of hunger before some
ship should call at the island, and transport the shipwrecked
sailors to their country. For this they had not long to wait, for on
the 2nd of April an English vessel took them on board and carried
them to England. We shall have occasion again to speak of Dampier
with relation to the voyages of Wood Rodgers.
II.
THE POLE AND AMERICA.
Hudson and Baffin--Champlain and La Sale--The English upon the coast
of the Atlantic--The Spaniards in South America--Summary of the
information acquired at the close of the 17th century--The measure
of the terrestrial degree--Progress of cartography--Inauguration of
Mathematical Geography.
Although the attempts to find a passage by the north-west had been
abandoned by the English for twenty years, they had not, however,
given up the idea of seeking by that way, for a passage which was
only to be discovered in our own days, and of which the absolute
impracticability was then to be ascertained. A clever sailor, Henry
Hudson, of whom Ellis says, "that never did any one better
understand the seafaring profession, that his courage was equal to
any emergency, and that his application was indefatigable,"
concluded an agreement with a company of merchants to search for the
passage by the north-west. On the 1st of May, 1607, he sailed from
Gravesend in the -Hopewell-, a craft about the size of one of the
smallest of modern collier brigs, and having on board a crew of
twelve men; and on the 13th of June, reached the eastern coast of
Greenland at 73 degrees, and gave it a name answering to the hopes
he entertained, in calling it Cape Hold with Hope. The weather here
was finer and less cold than it had been ten degrees southwards. By
the 27th of June, Hudson had advanced 5 degrees more to the north,
but on the 2nd of July, by one of the sudden changes which so
frequently occur in those countries, the cold became severe. The sea,
however, remained free, the air was still, and drift wood floated
about in large quantity. On the 14th of the same month, in 33
degrees 23 minutes, the master's mate and the boatswain of the
vessel landed upon a shore which formed the northern part of
Spitzbergen. Traces of musk oxen, and foxes, great abundance of
aquatic birds, two streams of fresh water, one of them being warm,
proved to our navigators that it was possible to live in these
extreme latitudes at this period of the year. Hudson, who had
re-embarked without delay, found himself arrested at the height of
82 degrees, by thick pack ice, which he endeavoured in vain to
penetrate or sail round. He was compelled to return to England,
where he arrived on September 15th, after having discovered an
island, which is probably that of Jan Mayen. The route followed in
this first voyage having had no result towards the north, Hudson
would try another, and accordingly set sail on April 21st in the
following year, and advanced between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla;
but he could only follow for a certain distance the coast of that
vast land, without being able to attain as high an elevation as he
had wished. The failure of this second attempt was more complete
than that of the voyage of 1607. In consequence, the English Company,
which had defrayed the expenses of both attempts, declined to
proceed further. This was doubtless the reason which decided Hudson
to take service in Holland.
The Company of Amsterdam gave him, in 1609, the command of a vessel,
with which he set sail from the Texel at the beginning of the year.
Having doubled the North Cape, he advanced along the coasts of Nova
Zembla; but his crew, composed of English and Dutch, who had made
voyages to the East Indies, were soon disheartened by the cold and
ice. Hudson found himself forced to change his route, and to propose
to his sailors, who were in open mutiny, to seek for a passage,
either by Davis' Strait, or the coasts of Virginia, where, according
to the information of Captain Smith, who had frequently visited them,
an outlet must surely be found. The choice of this crew, little
accustomed to discipline, could not be doubtful. In order not to
render the outlay of the Company completely abortive, Hudson was
obliged to make for the Faröe Islands, to descend southward as low
as 44 degrees, and to search on the coast of America for the strait,
of the existence of which he had been assured. On July 18th, he
disembarked on the continent, in order to replace his foremast,
which had been broken in a storm; and he took the opportunity of
bartering furs with the natives. But his undisciplined sailors,
having by their exactions roused the indignation of the poor and
peaceable natives, compelled him again to set sail. He continued to
follow the coast until August 3rd, and then landed a second time. At
40 degrees 30 minutes, he discovered a great bay which he explored
in a canoe for more than 150 miles. In the meantime, his provisions
began to run short, and it was impossible to procure supplies on
land. The crew, which appears to have imposed its wishes on its
captain during this whole voyage, assembled; some proposed to winter
in Newfoundland, in order to resume the search for the passage in
the following year; others wished to make for Ireland. This latter
proposition was adopted; but when they approached the shores of
Great Britain, the land proved so attractive to his men, that Hudson
was obliged, on November 7th, to cast anchor at Dartmouth.
The following year, 1610, notwithstanding all the mortifications
which he had experienced, Hudson tried to renew his engagement with
the Dutch company. But the terms which they named as the price of
their concurrence compelled him to renounce the project, and induced
him to submit to the requirements of the English Company. This
company imposed on Hudson as a condition, that he should carry on
board, rather as an assistant than as a subordinate, a clever seaman,
named Coleburne, in whom they had full confidence. It is easy to
understand how mortifying this condition was to Hudson. Accordingly,
he took the earliest opportunity of ridding himself of the
superintendent who had been imposed upon him. He had not yet left
the Thames when he sent Coleburne back to shore with a letter for
the Company, in which he endeavoured to palliate and justify this
certainly very strange proceeding.
Towards the end of May, when the ship had cast anchor in one of the
ports of the island, the crew formed on the subject of Coleburne,
its first conspiracy, which was repressed without difficulty, and
when Hudson quitted the island on June 1st, he had re-established
his authority. After having passed Frobisher's Strait, he sighted
the land of Desolation of Davis, entered the strait which has
received his name, and speedily penetrated into a wide bay, the
entire western coast of which he examined until the beginning of
September. At this epoch, one of the inferior officers, continuing
to excite revolt against his chief, was superseded; but this act of
justice only exasperated the sailors. In the early part of November,
Hudson, having arrived at the extremity of the bay, sought for an
appropriate spot to winter in, and having soon found one, drew up
the ship on dry land. It is difficult to understand such a
resolution. On the one hand, Hudson had left England with provisions
for six months only, which had already been largely reduced, and he
could scarcely reckon, considering the barrenness of the country,
upon procuring a further supply of nourishment; on the other, the
crew had exhibited such numerous signs of mutiny, that he could
hardly rely upon its discipline and good will. Nevertheless,
although the English were often obliged to content themselves with
scanty rations, they did not, owing to the arrival of great numbers
of birds, pass a very distressing winter. But, on the return of
spring, as soon as the ship was prepared to resume her route to
England, Hudson found that his fate was decided. He made his
arrangements accordingly, distributed to each his share of biscuit,
paid the wages due, and awaited the course of events. He had not
long to wait. The conspirators seized their captain, his son, a
volunteer, the carpenter, and five sailors, put them on board a boat,
without arms, provisions, or instruments, and abandoned them to the
mercy of the ocean. The culprits reached England again, but not all;
two were killed in an encounter with the Indians, another died of
sickness, while the others were sorely tried by famine. Eventually,
no prosecution was commenced against them. Only, the Company, in
1674, procured employment, on board a vessel, for the son of Henry
Hudson, "lost in the discovery of the North-west," the son being
entirely destitute of resources.
[Illustration: Hudson abandoned by his crew.]
The expeditions of Hudson were followed by those of Button and of
Gibbons, to whom we owe, if not new discoveries, important
observations on the tides, the variation of the weather and the
temperature, and on a number of natural phenomena.
In 1615, the English Company entrusted to Byleth, who had taken part
in the last voyages, the command of a vessel of fifty tons. Her name,
the -Discovery-, was of good augury. She carried, as pilot, the
famous William Baffin, whose renown has eclipsed that of his captain.
Setting sail from England on April 13th, the English explorers
sighted Cape Farewell by the 6th of May, passed from the Island of
Desolation to the Savage Islands, where they met with a great number
of natives, and ascended north-westward as high as 64 degrees. On
July 10th, land appeared on the starboard, and the tide flowed from
the north; from which they conceived so much hope of the passage
sought for, that they gave to the cape, discovered on this spot, the
name of Comfort. It was probably Cape Walsingham, for they
ascertained, after doubling it, that the land inclined towards the
north-east, and the east. It was at the entry of Davis' Strait, that
their discoveries came to an end for this year. They returned to
Plymouth on September 9th, without having lost a single man.
So strong were the hopes entertained by Byleth and Baffin, that they
obtained permission to put to sea again in the same vessel the
following year. On May 14th, 1616, after a voyage in which nothing
worthy of remark occurred, the two captains penetrated into Davis'
Strait, sighted Cape Henderson's Hope, the extreme point formerly
reached by Davis, and ascended as high as 72 degrees 40 minutes to
the Women's Island, thus named after some Esquimaux females whom
they met with. On June 12th, Byleth and Baffin were forced by the
ice to enter a bay on the coast. Some Esquimaux brought them a great
quantity of horns, without doubt tusks of walruses, or horns of musk
oxen; from which they named the bay Horn Sound. After remaining some
days in this place, they were able to put to sea again. On setting
out from 75 degrees 40 minutes, they encountered a vast expanse of
water free from ice, and penetrated, without much danger, beyond the
78 degree of latitude, to the entrance of the strait, which
prolonged northwards the immense bay which they had just traversed,
and which received the name of Baffin. Then turning to the west, and
afterwards to the south-west, Byleth and Baffin discovered the Carey
Islands, Jones Strait, Coburg Island, and Lancaster Strait, and
afterwards they descended along the entire western shore of Baffin's
Bay as far as Cumberland Land. Despairing then of being able to
carry his discoveries further, Byleth, who had several men among his
crew afflicted with scurvy, found himself obliged to return to the
shores of England, where he disembarked at Dover, on August 30th.
If this expedition terminated again in failure, in the sense that
the north-west passage was not discovered, the results obtained were
nevertheless considerable. Byleth and Baffin had prodigiously
increased the knowledge of the seas and coasts in the quarters of
Greenland. The captain and the pilot, in writing to the Director of
the Company, assured him that the bay which they had visited was an
excellent spot for fishing, in which thousands of whales, seals, and
walruses, disported themselves. The event could not be long in amply
proving the correctness of this information.
Let us now descend again upon the coast of America, as far as Canada,
and see what had happened since the time of Jacques Cartier. This
latter, we may remember, had made an attempt at colonization, which
had not produced any important results. Nevertheless, some Frenchmen
had remained in the country, had married there, and founded families
of colonists. From time to time, they received reinforcements
brought by fishing vessels from Dieppe or St. Malo. But it was
difficult to establish a current of emigration. It was under these
circumstances that a gentleman, named Samuel de Champlain, a veteran
of the wars of Henry IV., and who, for two years and a half, had
frequented the East Indies, was engaged by the Commander of Chastes
with the Sieur de Pontgravé, to continue the discoveries of Jacques
Cartier, and to choose the situations most favourable for the
establishment of towns and centres of population. This is not the
place for us to consider the manner in which Champlain understood
the business of a colonizer, nor his great services, which might
well entitle him to be called the father of Canada. We will,
therefore, advisedly leave this aspect of his undertaking, not the
least brilliant, in order simply to occupy ourselves with the
discoveries which he effected in the interior of the continent.
Setting sail from Honfleur, on March 15th, 1603, the two chiefs of
the enterprise first ascended the St. Lawrence, as far as the
harbour of Tadoussac, 240 miles from its mouth. They were welcomed
by the populations, which had, however, "neither faith, nor law, and
lived without God, and without religion, like brute beasts." At this
place they quitted their ships, which could not have advanced
further without danger, and reached in a boat the Fall of St. Louis,
where Jacques Cartier had been stopped; they even penetrated a
little into the interior, and then returned to France, where
Champlain printed a narrative of the voyage for the king.
Henry IV. resolved to continue the enterprise. In the meantime M. de
Chastes having died, his privilege was transferred to M. de Monts,
with the title of Vice-admiral and Governor of Acadia. Champlain
accompanied M. de Monts to Canada, and passed three whole years,
whether in aiding by his counsels and his exertions the efforts of
colonization, or in exploring the coasts of Acadia, the bearings of
which he took beyond Cape Cod, or in making excursions into the
interior and visiting the savage tribes which it was important to
conciliate. In 1607, after a new voyage to France to recruit
colonists, Champlain returned again to New France, and founded, in
1608, a town which was to become Quebec. The following year was
devoted to again ascending the St. Lawrence, and ascertaining its
course. On board of a pirogue, with two companions only, Champlain
penetrated, with some Algonquins, to the Iroquois, and remained
conqueror in a great battle fought on the borders of a lake which
has received his name; he then descended the river Richelieu, as far
as the St. Lawrence. In 1610, he made a fresh incursion into the
territory of the Iroquois, at the head of his allies, the Algonquins,
whom he had the greatest possible difficulty in making observe the
European discipline. In this campaign he employed instruments of
warfare which greatly astonished the savages, and easily secured him
the victory. For the attack of a village, he constructed a cavalier
of wood, which 200 of the most powerful men "carried before this
village to within a pike's length, and displayed three arquebusiers
well protected from the arrows and stones which might be shot or
launched at them." A little later, we see him exploring the river
Ottawa, and advancing, in the north of the continent, to within 225
miles of Hudson's Bay. After having fortified Montreal, in 1615, he
twice ascended the Ottawa, explored Lake Huron, and arrived by land
at Lake Ontario, which he crossed.
[Illustration: Siege of a village by Champlain.]
It is very difficult to divide into two parts a life so occupied as
Champlain's. All his excursions, all his reconnaissances, had but
one object, the development of the work to which he had consecrated
his existence. Thus detached from what gives them their interest,
they appear to us unimportant; and yet if the colonial policy of
Louis XIV. and his successor had been different, we should possess
in America a colony which assuredly would not yield in prosperity to
the United States. Notwithstanding our abandonment, Canada has
preserved a fervent love for the mother country.
We must now leap over a period of forty years, to arrive at Robert
Cavelier de la Sale. During this time, the French establishments
have acquired some importance in Canada, and have extended
themselves over a great part of North America. Our hunters and
trappers scour the woods, and bring, every year, with their load of
furs, new information respecting the interior of the continent. In
this latter task they are powerfully seconded by the missionaries,
in the first rank of whom we must place Father Marquette, whom the
extent of his voyages on the great lakes and as far as the
Mississippi marks out for special acknowledgment. Two men, besides,
deserve to be mentioned for the encouragements and facilities which
they afforded to the explorers, viz., M. de Frontenac, Governor of
New France, and Talon, intendant of justice and police. In 1678,
there arrived in Canada, without any settled purpose, a young man
named Cavelier de la Sale. "He was born at Rouen," says Father
Charlevoix, "of a family in easy circumstances; but having passed
some years with the Jesuits, he had had no share in the inheritance
of his parents. He had a cultivated mind, he wished to distinguish
himself, and he felt within himself sufficient genius and courage to
ensure success. In reality, he was not deficient in resolution to
enter upon, nor in perseverance to follow up, an undertaking, nor in
firmness in contending against obstacles, nor in resource to repair
his losses; but he knew not how to make himself loved, nor how to
manage those of whom he stood in need, and when he had attained
authority, he exercised it with harshness and arrogance. With such
defects he could not be happy, and in fact he was not."
Father Charlevoix's portrait appears to us somewhat too black, and
he does not seem to estimate at its true value the great discovery
which we owe to Cavelier de la Sale; a discovery, which has nothing
like it, we do not say equal to it, except that of the river Amazon,
by Orellana, in the 16th century, and that of the Congo, by Stanley,
in the 19th. However this may be, no sooner had he arrived in the
country, than he set himself, with extraordinary application, to
study the native idioms, and to associate with the savages in order
to render himself familiar with their manners and habits. At the
same time he gathered from the trappers a mass of information on the
situation of the rivers and lakes. He communicated his projects of
exploration to M. de Frontenac, who encouraged him, and gave him the
command of a fort constructed at the outlet of the lake into the St.
Lawrence. In the meantime, one Jolyet arrived at Quebec. He brought
the news that in company with Father Marquette and four other
persons, he had reached a great river called the Mississippi,
flowing towards the south. Cavelier de la Sale very soon understood
what advantage might be derived from an artery of this importance,
especially if the Mississippi had, as he believed, its mouth in the
Gulf of Mexico. By the lakes and the Illinois, an affluent of the
Mississippi, it was easy to effect a communication between the St.
Lawrence, and the Sea of the Antilles. What marvellous profit would
France derive from this discovery! La Sale explained the project
which he had conceived to the Count of Frontenac, and obtained from
him very pressing letters of recommendation to the Minister of
Marine. On arriving in France, La Sale learned the death of Colbert;
but he remitted to his son, the Marquis of Seignelay, who had
succeeded him, the despatches of which he was the bearer. This
project, which appeared to rest upon solid foundations, could not
fail to please a young minister. Accordingly, Seignelay presented La
Sale to the king, who caused letters of nobility to be prepared for
him, granted him the Seignory of Catarocouy, and the government of
the fort which he had built, with the monopoly of commerce in the
countries which he might discover.
La Sale had also found means to procure the patronage of the Prince
de Conti, who asked him to take with him the Chevalier Tonti, son of
the inventor of the Tontine, in whom he felt an interest. He was for
La Sale a precious acquisition. Tonti, who had made a campaign in
Sicily, where his hand had been carried off by the explosion of a
grenade, was a brave and skilful officer, who always showed himself
extremely devoted.
La Sale and Tonti embarked at Rochelle, on July 14th, 1678, carrying
with them about thirty men, workmen and soldiers, and a Recollet
(monk), Father Hennepin, who accompanied them in all their voyages.
Then La Sale, being conscious that the execution of his project
required more considerable resources than those which were at his
disposal, constructed a boat upon the Lake Erie, and devoted a whole
year to scouring the country, visiting the Indians, and carrying on
an active trade in furs, which he stored in his fort of Niagara,
while Tonti pursued the same course in other directions. At length,
towards the middle of August, of the year 1679, his boat, the
-Griffon-, being prepared for sailing, he embarked on the Lake Erie,
with thirty men, and three Fathers, Recollets, for Machillimackinac.
In crossing the lakes St. Clair and Huron, he experienced a violent
storm, which caused the desertion of some of his people, whom,
however, Tonti brought back to him. La Sale arrived at
Machillimackinac, and very soon entered the Green Bay. But during
this time his creditors at Quebec had sold all that he possessed,
and the -Griffon-, which he had despatched, laden with furs, to the
fort of Niagara, was either lost or pillaged by the Indians; which
of these took place has never been precisely ascertained. For
himself, although the departure of the -Griffon- had displeased his
companions, he continued his route, and reached the river St. Joseph,
where he found an encampment of Miamis, and where Tonti speedily
rejoined him. Their first care was to construct a fort on this spot.
Then they crossed the dividing line of the water between the basin
of the great lakes, and that of the Mississippi; they subsequently
reached the river of the Illinois, an affluent on the left of that
great river. With his small band of followers, upon whose fidelity
he could not entirely depend, the situation of La Sale was critical,
in the midst of an unknown country, and among a powerful nation, the
Illinois, who, at first allies of France, had been prejudiced and
excited against us by the Iroquois and the English, jealous of the
progress of the Canadian colony.
Nevertheless, it was necessary, at all cost, to attach to himself
these Indians, who from their situation, were able to hinder all
communication between La Sale and Canada. In order to strike their
imagination, Cavelier de la Sale proceeds to their encampment, where
more than 3000 men are assembled. He has but twenty men, but he
traverses their village haughtily, and stops at some distance. The
Illinois, who have not yet declared war, are surprised. They advance
towards him, and overwhelm him with pacific demonstrations. So
versatile is the spirit of the savages! Such an impression does
every mark of courage make upon them! Without delay, La Sale takes
advantage of their friendly dispositions, and erects upon the very
site of their camp, a small fort, which he calls Crèvecoeur, in
allusion to the troubles which he has already experienced. There he
leaves Tonti with all his people, and he himself, anxious about the
fate of the -Griffon-, returns with three Frenchmen and one Indian,
to the fort of Catarocouy, separated by 500 leagues from Crèvecoeur.
Before setting out, he had detached with Father Hennepin, one of his
companions named Dacan, on a mission to reascend the Mississippi
beyond the river of the Illinois, and if possible, to its source.
"These two travellers," says Father Charlevoix, "set out from the
fort of Crèvecoeur, on February 28th, and having entered the
Mississippi, ascended it as far as 46 degrees of north latitude.
There they were stopped by a considerable waterfall, extending quite
across the river, to which Father Hennepin gave the name of St.
Anthony of Padua. Then they fell, I know not by what mischance, into
the hands of the Sioux, who kept them for a long time prisoners."
On his journey back to Catarocouy, La Sale, having discovered a new
site appropriate to the construction of a fort, summoned Tonti
thither, who immediately set to work, while La Sale continued his
route. This is Fort St. Louis. On his arrival at Catarocouy, La Sale
learned news which would have broken down a man of a less hardy
temperament. Not only had the -Griffon-, on board of which he had
furs of the value of 10,000 crowns, been lost, but a vessel which
was bringing him from France a cargo worth 880-l.- had been
shipwrecked, and his enemies had spread a report of his death.
Having no further business at Catarocouy, and having proved by his
presence that the reports of his disappearance were all false, he
arrived again at the fort of Crèvecoeur, where he was much
astonished to find no one.
This is what had happened. While the Chevalier Tonti was employed in
the construction of Fort St. Louis, the garrison of Fort Crèvecoeur
had mutinied, had pillaged the magazines, had done the same at Fort
Miami, and then fled to Machillimackinac. Tonti, almost alone in
face of the Illinois, who were roused against him by the
depredations of his men, and judging that he could not resist in his
fort of Crèvecoeur, had left it on September 11th, 1680, with the
five Frenchmen who composed his garrison, and had retired as far as
the bay of the Lake Michigan. After having placed a garrison at
Crèvecoeur and at Fort St. Louis, La Sale came to Machillimackinac,
where he rejoined Tonti, and together they set out again from thence
towards the end of August for Catarocouy, whence they embarked on
the Lake Erie with fifty-five persons, on August 28th, 1681. After a
journey of 240 miles along the frozen river of the Illinois, they
reached Fort Crèvecoeur, where the water, free from ice, permitted
the use of their canoes. On February 6th, 1682, La Sale arrived at
the confluence of the Illinois and the Mississippi. He descended the
river, sighted the mouth of the Missouri, and that of the Ohio,
where he raised a fort, penetrated into the country of the Arkansas,
of which he took possession in the name of France, crossed the
country of the Natchez, with whom he made a treaty of friendship,
and finally passed out into the Gulf of Mexico on April 9th, after a
navigation of 1050 miles in a mere bark. The anticipations so
skilfully conceived by Cavelier de la Sale, were realized. He
immediately took formal possession of the country, to which he gave
the name of Louisiana, and called the immense river which he had
just discovered the St. Louis.
La Sale's return to Canada occupied not less than one year and a
half. There is no ground for astonishment, when all the obstacles
scattered in his path are considered. What energy, what strength of
mind were requisite in one of the greatest travellers of whom France
has reason to be proud, to succeed in such an enterprise!
Unhappily, a man, otherwise well intentioned, but who allowed
himself to be prejudiced against La Sale by his numerous enemies, M.
Lefèvre de la Barre, who had succeeded M. de Frontenac as governor
of Canada, wrote to the Minister of Marine, that the discoveries of
La Sale were not to be regarded as of much importance. "This
traveller," he said "was actually, with about twenty French
vagabonds and savages, at the extremity of the bay, where he played
the part of sovereign, plundered and ransomed those of his own
nation, exposed the people to the incursions of the Iroquois, and
covered all these acts of violence with the pretext of the
permission, which he had from His Majesty, to carry on commerce
alone in the countries which he might be able to discover."
Cavelier de la Sale could not allow himself to remain exposed to
these calumnious imputations. On the one side, honour prompted him
to return to France to exculpate himself; on the other, he would not
leave others to reap the profit of his discoveries. He set out,
therefore, and received from Seignelay a kindly welcome. The
minister had not been much influenced by the letters of M. de la
Barre; he was aware that men could not accomplish great achievements
without wounding much self-love, nor without making numerous enemies.
La Sale took the opportunity to explain to him his project of
discovering the mouth of the Mississippi by sea, in order to open a
way for French vessels, and to found an establishment there. The
minister entered into these views, and gave him a commission which
placed Frenchmen and savages under his orders, from Fort St. Louis
to the sea. At the same time the commandant of the squadron which
was to transport him to America, was to be under his authority, and
to furnish him on his disembarkation with all the succours which he
might require, provided that nothing was done to the prejudice of
the king. Four vessels, one of them a frigate of forty guns,
commanded by M. de Beaujeu were to carry 280 persons, including the
crews, to the mouth of the Mississippi, to form the nucleus of the
new colony. Soldiers and artisans had been very badly chosen, as was
perceived when too late, and no one knew his business. Setting sail
from La Rochelle, on July 24th, 1684, the little squadron was almost
immediately obliged to return to port, the bowsprit of the frigate
having broken suddenly in the very finest weather. This inexplicable
accident was the commencement of misunderstanding between M. de
Beaujeu and M. de la Sale. The former could scarcely be pleased to
see himself subordinated to a private individual, and did not
forgive Cavelier this. Nothing however would have been more easy
than to decline the command. La Sale had not the gentleness of
manner and the politeness necessary to conciliate his companions.
The disagreement did but gather force during the voyage by reason of
the obstacles raised by M. de Beaujeu to the rapidity and secrecy of
the expedition. The annoyances of La Sale had indeed become so great
when he arrived at St. Domingo, that he fell seriously ill. He
recovered, however, and the expedition set sail again on November
25th. A month later, it was off Florida; but, as "La Sale had been
assured that in the Gulf of Mexico, all the currents bore eastwards,
he did not doubt that the mouth of the Mississippi must be far to
the west; an error which was the source of all his misfortunes."
La Sale then steered to the west, and passed by, without perceiving
it, without deigning even to attend to certain signs which he was
asked to observe, the mouth of the Mississippi. When he perceived
his mistake, and entreated M. de Beaujeu to turn back, the latter
would no longer consent. La Sale, seeing that he could make no
impression upon the contradictory mind of his companion, decided to
disembark his men and his provisions in the Bay of St. Bernard. Yet,
in this very last act, Beaujeu manifested an amount of culpable
ill-will, which did as little honour to his judgment as to his
patriotism. Not only was he unwilling to land all the provisions,
under the pretext that certain of them being at the bottom of the
hold, he had no time to change his stowage, but further he gave
shelter on board his own ship to the master and crew of the
transport, laden with the stores, utensils, and implements necessary
for a new establishment, people whom everything seems to convict of
having purposely cast their vessel upon shore. At the same time, a
number of savages took advantage of the disorder caused by the
shipwreck of the transport, to plunder everything on which they
could lay their hands. Nevertheless, La Sale, who had the talent of
never appearing depressed by misfortune, and who found in his own
genius resources adapted to the circumstances of the case, ordered
the works of the establishment to be begun. In order to give courage
to his companions, he more than once took part with his own hands in
the work; but very slow progress was made, in consequence of the
ignorance of the workmen. Struck with the resemblance of the
language and habits of the Indians of these parts to those of the
Mississippi, La Sale was very soon persuaded that he was not far
distant from that river, and made several excursions in order to
approach it. But, if he found a country beautiful and fertile, he
did not make progress towards what he was in search of. He returned
each time to the fort more gloomy and more harsh; and this was not
the way to restore calm to spirits embittered by sufferings and the
inutility of their efforts. Grain had been sown; but scarcely any
came up for want of rain, and what had sprung up was soon laid waste
by the savages and the deer. The hunters who wandered far from the
camp were massacred by the Indians, and sickness found an easy prey
in men overwhelmed with ennui, disappointment, and misery. In a
short time, the number of the colonists fell to thirty-seven. At
length, La Sale resolved to try a last effort to reach the
Mississippi, and in descending the river to seek help from the
nations with which he had made alliance. He set out on January 12th,
1687, with his brother, his two nephews, two missionaries, and
twelve colonists. He was approaching the country of the Shawnees,
when, in consequence of an altercation between one of his nephews
and three of his companions, these latter assassinated the young man
and his servant during their sleep, and resolved immediately to do
the same with the chief of the enterprise. De la Sale, uneasy at not
seeing his nephew return, set out to seek him on the morning of the
19th, with Father Anastase. The assassins, seeing him approach, lay
in ambush in a thicket, and one of them shot him in the head, and
stretched him on the ground stark dead. Thus perished Cavelier de la
Sale, "a man of a capacity," says Father Charlevoix, "of a largeness
of mind, of a courage and firmness of soul, which might have led him
to the achievement of something great, if with so many great
qualities, he had known how to master his gloomy and atrabilious
disposition, and to soften the severity or rather the harshness of
his nature...." Many calumnies had been spread abroad against him;
but it is necessary so much the more to be on our guard against all
these malevolent reports "as it is only too common to exaggerate the
defects of the unfortunate, to impute to them even some which they
had not, especially when they have given occasion for their
misfortune, and have not known how to make themselves beloved. What
is sadder for the memory of this celebrated man, is that he has been
regretted by few persons, and that the ill-success of his
undertakings--only of his last--has given him the air of an
adventurer, among those who judge only by appearances. Unhappily,
these are usually the most numerous, and in some degree the voice of
the public."
[Illustration: Assassination of La Sale.]
We have but little to add to these last wise words. La Sale knew not
how to obtain pardon for his first success. We have related
subsequently by what concurrence of circumstances his second
enterprise miscarried. He died, the victim it may be said, of the
jealousy and malevolence of the Chevalier de Beaujeu. It is to this
slight cause that we owe the failure to found in America a powerful
colony, which would very soon have been found in a condition to
compete with the English establishments.
We have narrated the beginning of the English colonies. The events
which took place in England were highly favourable to them. The
religious persecutions, the revolutions of 1648 and 1688, furnished
numerous recruits, who, animated by an excellent spirit, set
themselves to work, and transported to the other side of the
Atlantic the arts, the industry, and in a short time the prosperity,
of the mother country. Very soon, the immense forests which covered
Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Carolina, fell beneath the hatchet of
the "Squatter," and the soil became cleared, while the hunters of
the woods, driving back the Indians, made the interior of the
country better known, and prepared the work of civilization.
In Mexico, in the whole of Central America, in Peru, in Chili, and
on the shores of the Atlantic, a different state of things prevailed.
The Spaniards had extended their conquests; but, far from acting
like the English, they had reduced the Indians to slavery. Instead
of applying themselves to the cultivation appropriate to the variety
of the climates and of the countries of which they had made
themselves masters, they sought only in the produce of the mines the
resources and prosperity which they should have endeavoured to
obtain from the land. If a country can thus rapidly attain
prodigious wealth, yet this factitious system cannot last long. With
the mines a prosperity which does not renew itself, must ere long
become exhausted. The Spaniards could not fail to experience the sad
result.
Thus then, at the end of the seventeenth century, a great part of
the new world was known. In North America, Canada, the shores of the
Atlantic and of the Gulf of Mexico, the valley of the Mississippi,
the coasts of California and of New Mexico, were discovered or
colonized. All the central part of the continent, from Rio del Norte,
as far as Terra Firma, was subject, at least nominally, to the
Spaniards. In the south, the savannahs and the forests of Brazil,
the pampas of the Argentine, and the interior of Patagonia, escaped
the observation of the explorers, as they were destined to do for a
long time yet.
In Africa, the long line of coasts, which are washed by the Atlantic
and the Indian Oceans, had been patiently followed and observed by
navigators. At some points only, colonists and missionaries had
tried to penetrate the mystery of this vast continent. Senegal,
Congo, the valley of the Nile, and Abyssinia, were all that were
known with some degree of detail and of certainty.
If many of the countries of Asia, surveyed by the travellers of the
middle ages, had not been revisited since that epoch, we had
carefully explored the whole anterior part of that continent, India
had been revealed to us, we had even founded some establishments
there, China had been touched by our missionaries, and Japan, that
famous Cipango which had exercised so great an attraction for our
travellers of the preceding age, was at length known to us. Only
Siberia and the whole north-east angle of Asia had escaped our
investigations, and it was not yet known whether America was not
connected with Asia, a mystery which was before long to be cleared
up.
In Oceania, a number of archipelagos, of islands and separate islets,
remained still to be discovered, but the islands of Sunda were
colonized, the coasts of Australia and of New Zealand had been
partially revealed, and the existence of that great continent which,
according to Tasman, extended from Tierra del Fuego to New Zealand,
began to be doubted; but it still required the long and careful
researches of Cook to banish definitely into the domain of fable a
chimera so long cherished.
Geography was on the point of transforming itself. The great
discoveries made in astronomy were about to be applied to geography.
The labours of Fernel and above all of Picard, upon the measure of a
terrestrial degree between Paris and Amiens, had made it clear that
the globe is not a sphere, but a spheroid, that is to say, a ball
flattened at the poles and swollen at the equator, and thus were
found at one stroke the form and the dimensions of the world which
we inhabit. At length the labours of Picard, continued by La Hire
and Cassini, were completed at the commencement of the following
century. The astronomical observations, rendered possible by the
calculation of the satellites of Jupiter, enabled us to rectify our
maps. If this rectification had been already effected with regard to
certain places, it became indispensable when the number of points of
which the astronomical position had been observed, had been
considerably increased; and this was to be the work of the next
century. At the same time, historical geography was more studied; it
began to take for its foundation the study of inscriptions, and
archæology was about to become one of the most useful instruments of
comparative geography.
In a word, the seventeenth century is an epoch of transition and of
progress; it seeks and it finds the powerful means which its
successor, the eighteenth century, was destined to put into
operation. The era of the sciences has already opened, and with it
the modern world commences.
END OF THE SECOND PART.
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301
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,
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.
'
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328
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330
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;
,
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351
,
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354
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355
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-
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356
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357
358
[
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.
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359
360
361
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364
365
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-
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-
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375
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,
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-
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,
379
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380
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384
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386
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;
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-
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406
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441
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443
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446
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448
449
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-
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454
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460
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464
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466
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469
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470
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481
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486
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487
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503
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508
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513
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528
529
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530
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532
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587
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796
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902