As soon as he arrived, Sebastian del Cano went to Valladolid, where
the court was, and received from Charles V. the welcome which was
merited after so many difficulties had been courageously overcome.
The bold mariner received permission to take as his armorial
bearings, a globe with this motto, -Primus circumdedisti me-, and he
also received a pension of 500 ducats.
The rich freight of the -Victoria-, decided the Emperor to send a
second fleet to the Moluccas. The supreme command of it was not,
however, given to Sebastian del Cano; it was reserved for the
commander Garcia de Loaisa, whose only claim to it was his grand
name. However, after the death of the chief of the expedition, which
happened as soon as the fleet had passed the Strait of Magellan, Del
Cano found himself invested with the command, but he did not hold it
long, for he died six days afterwards. As for the ship -Victoria-,
she was long preserved in the port of Seville, but in spite of all
the care that was taken of her, she at length fell to pieces from
old age.
CHAPTER III.
THE POLAR EXPEDITIONS AND THE SEARCH FOR THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
I.
The Northmen--Eric the Red--The Zenos--John Cabot--Cortereal--
Sebastian Cabot--Willoughby--Chancellor.
Pytheas had opened up the road to the north to the Scandinavians by
discovering Iceland (the famous Thule) and the -Cronian- Ocean, of
which the mud, the shallow-water, and the ice render the navigation
dangerous, and where the nights are as light as twilight. The
traditions of the voyages undertaken by the ancients to the Orkneys,
the Faröe Islands, and even to Iceland, were treasured up among the
Irish monks, who were learned men, and themselves bold mariners, as
their successive establishments in these archipelagos clearly prove.
They were also the pilots of the Northmen, a name given generally to
the Scandinavian pirates, both Danish and Norwegian, who rendered
themselves so formidable to the whole of Europe during the Middle
Ages. But if all the information that we owe to the ancients, both
Greeks and Romans, with regard to these hyperborean countries be
extremely vague and so to speak fabulous, it is not so with that
which concerns the adventurous enterprises of the "Men of the
North." The Sagas, as the Icelandic and Danish songs are called, are
extremely precise, and the numerous data which we owe to them are
daily confirmed by the archæological discoveries made in America,
Greenland, Iceland, Norway, and Denmark. This is a source of
valuable information which was long unknown and unexplored, and of
which we owe the revelation to the learned Dane, C. C. Rafn, who has
furnished us with authentic facts of the greatest interest bearing
on the pre-Columbian discovery of America.
Norway was poor and encumbered with population. Hence arose the
necessity for a permanent emigration, which should allow a
considerable portion of the inhabitants to seek in more favoured
regions the nourishment which a frozen soil denied them. When they
had found some country rich enough to yield them an abundant spoil,
they then returned to their own land, and set out the following
spring accompanied by all those who could be enticed either by the
love of lucre, the desire for an easy life, or by the thirst for
strife. Intrepid hunters and fishermen, accustomed to a dangerous
navigation between the continent and the mass of islands which
border it and appear to defend it against the assaults of the ocean,
and across the narrow, deep -fiords-, which seem as though they were
cut into the soil itself by some gigantic sword, they set out in
those oak vessels, the sight of which made the people tremble who
lived on the shores of the North Sea and British Channel. Sometimes
decked, these vessels, long or short, large or small, were usually
terminated in front by a spur of enormous size, above which the prow
sometimes rose to a great height, taking the form of an -S-. The
-hällristningar-, for so they call the graphic representations so
often met with on the rocks of Sweden and Norway, enable us to
picture to ourselves these swift vessels, which could carry a
considerable crew. Such was the -Long-serpent- of Olaf Tryggvason,
which had thirty-two benches of rowers and held ninety men, Canute's
vessel, which carried sixty, and the two vessels of Olaf the Saint,
which carried sometimes 200 men. The Sea-kings, as they often called
these adventurers, lived on the ocean, never settling on shore,
passing from the pillage of a castle to the burning of an abbey,
devastating the coasts of France, ascending rivers, especially the
Seine, as far as Paris, sailing over the Mediterranean as far as
Constantinople, establishing themselves later in Sicily, and leaving
traces of their incursions or their sojourn in all the regions of
the known world.
[Illustration: Norman Ships.]
Piracy, far from being, as at the present day, an act falling under
the ban of the law, was not only encouraged in that barbarous or
half-civilized society, but was celebrated in the songs of the
-Skalds-, who reserved their most enthusiastic eulogies for
celebrating chivalrous struggles, adventurous privateering, and all
exhibitions of strength. From the eighth century, these formidable
sea-rovers frequented the groups of the Orkney, the Hebrides, the
Shetland, and Faröe Islands, where they met with the Irish monks,
who had settled themselves there nearly a century earlier, to
instruct the idolatrous population.
In 861 a Norwegian pirate, named Naddod, was carried by a storm
towards an island covered with snow, which he named Snoland (land of
snow), a name changed later to that of Iceland (land of ice). There
again the Northmen found the Irish monks under the name of Papis, in
the cantons of Papeya and Papili.
Ingolf installed himself some years afterwards in the country, and
founded Reijkiavik. In 885 the triumph of Harold Haarfager, who had
just subjugated the whole of Norway by force of arms, brought a
considerable number of malcontents to Iceland. They established
there the republican form of government, which had just been
overthrown in their own country, and which subsisted till 1261, the
epoch when Iceland passed under the dominion of the kings of Norway.
When established in Iceland, these bold fellows, lovers of adventure
and of long hunts in pursuit of seals and walrus, retained their
wandering habits and pursued their bold plans in the west, where
only three years after the arrival of Ingolf, Guunbjorn discovered
the snowy peaks of the mountains of Greenland. Five years later,
Eric the Red, banished from Iceland for murder, rediscovered the
land in latitude 64 degrees north, of which Guunbjorn had caught a
glimpse. The sterility of this ice-bound coast made him decide to
seek a milder climate with a more open country, and one producing
more game, in the south. So he rounded Cape Farewell at the
extremity of Greenland, established himself on the west coast, and
built some vast dwellings for himself and his companions, of which M.
Jorgensen has discovered the ruins. This country was worthy at that
period of the name of Green-Land (Groenland) which the Northmen gave
to it, but the annual and great increase of the glaciers, has
rendered it since that epoch a land of desolation.
Eric returned to Iceland to seek his friends, and in the same year
that he returned to Brattahalida (for so he called his settlement),
fourteen vessels laden with emigrants came to join him. It was a
veritable exodus. These events took place in the year 1000. As
quickly as the resources of the country allowed of it, the
population of Greenland increased, and in 1121, Gardar, the capital
of the country, became the seat of a bishopric, which existed until
after the discovery of the Antilles by Christopher Columbus.
In 986 Bjarn Heriulfson, who had come from Norway to Iceland to
spend the winter with his father, learnt that the latter had joined
Eric the Red in Greenland. Without hesitation, the young man again
put to sea, seeking at haphazard for a country of which he did not
even know the exact situation, and was cast by currents on coasts
which we think must have been those of New Scotland, Newfoundland,
and Maine. He ended, however, by reaching Greenland, where Eric, the
powerful Norwegian -jarl-, reproached him for not having examined
with more care countries of which he owed his knowledge to a happy
accident of the sea.
Eric had sent his son Leif to the Norwegian court, so close at this
time was the connexion between the metropolis and the colonies. The
king, who had been converted to Christianity, had just despatched a
mission to Iceland charged to overthrow the worship of Odin. He
committed to Leif's care some priests who were to instruct the
Greenlanders; but scarcely had the young adventurer returned to his
own country, when he left the holy men to work out the
accomplishment of their difficult task and hearing of the discovery
made by Bjarn, he fitted out his vessels and went to seek for the
lands which had been only imperfectly seen. He landed first on a
desolate and stony plain, to which he gave the name of -Helluland-,
and which we have no hesitation in recognizing as Newfoundland, and
afterwards on a flat sandy shore behind which rose an immense screen
of dark forests, cheered by the songs of innumerable birds. A third
time he put to sea and steering towards the south he arrived at the
Bay of Rhode Island, where the mild climate and the river teeming
with salmon induced him to settle, and where he constructed vast
buildings of planks, which he called -Leifsbudir- (Leif's house).
Then he sent some of his companions to explore the country, and they
returned with the good news that the wild vine grows in the country,
to which it owes the name of -Vinland-. In the spring of the year
1001, Leif, having laded his ship with skins, grapes, wood, and
other productions of the country, set out for Greenland; he had made
the valuable observation that the shortest day in -Vinland- lasted
nine hours, which places the site of Leifsbudir at 41 degrees 24
minutes 10 seconds. This fortunate voyage and the salvage of a
Norwegian vessel carrying fifteen men, gained for Leif the surname
of the Fortunate.
This expedition made a great stir, and the account of the wonders of
the country in which Leif had settled, induced his brother Thorvald,
to set out with thirty men. After passing the winter at Leifsbudir,
Thorvald explored the coasts to the south, returning in the autumn
to Vinland, and in the following year 1004, he sailed along the
coast to the north of Leifsbudir. During this return voyage, the
Northmen met with the Esquimaux for the first time, and without any
provocation, slaughtered them without mercy. The following night
they found themselves all at once surrounded by a numerous flotilla
of -Kayacs-, from which came a cloud of arrows. Thorvald alone, the
chief of the expedition, was mortally wounded; he was buried by his
companions on a promontory, to which they gave the name of the
promontory of the Cross.
Now, in the Gulf of Boston in the eighteenth century, a tomb of
masonry was discovered, in which, with the bones, was found a
sword-hilt of iron. The Indians not being acquainted with this metal,
it could not be one of their skeletons; it was not either, the
remains of one of the Europeans who had landed after the fifteenth
century, for their swords had not this very characteristic form.
This tomb has been thought to be that of a Scandinavian, and we
venture to say, that of Thorvald, son of Eric the Red.
In the spring of 1007, three vessels carrying 160 men and some
cattle, left Eriksfjord; the object in view was the foundation of a
permanent colony. The emigrants after sighting Helluland, Markland,
and Vinland, landed in an island, upon which they constructed some
barracks and began the work of cultivation. But they must either
have laid their plans badly, or have been wanting in foresight, for
the winter found them without provisions, and they suffered cruelly
from hunger. They had, however, the good sense to regain the
continent, where in comparative ease, they could await the end of
the winter.
At the beginning of 1008, they set out to seek for Leifsbudir, and
settled themselves at Mount-Hope Bay, on the opposite shore to the
old settlement of Leif. There, for the first time, some intercourse
was held with the natives, called -Skrellings- in the sagas, and
whom, from the manner in which they are portrayed, it is easy to
recognize as Esquimaux. The first meeting was peaceable, and barter
was carried on with them until the day when the desire of the
Esquimaux to acquire iron hatchets, always prudently refused them by
the Northmen, drove them to acts of aggression, which decided the
new-comers, after three years of residence, to return to their own
country, which they did without leaving behind them any lasting
trace of their stay in the country.
It will be easily understood that we cannot give any detailed
account of all the expeditions, which set out from Greenland, and
succeeded each other on the coasts of Labrador and the United States.
Those of our readers who wish for circumstantial details, should
refer to M. Gabriel Gravier's interesting publication, the most
complete work on the subject, and from which we have borrowed all
that relates to the Norman expeditions.
The same year as Erik the Red landed in Greenland (983), a certain
Hari Marson, being driven out of the ordinary course by storms, was
cast upon the shores of a country known by the name of "White man's
land," which extended according to Rafn from Chesapeake Bay to
Florida.
What is the meaning of this name "White man's land"? Had some
compatriots of Marson's already settled there? There is some reason
to suppose so even from the words used in the chronicle. We can
understand how interesting it would be, to be able to determine the
nationality of these first colonists. However, the Sagas have not as
yet revealed all their secrets. There are probably, some of them
still unknown, and as those which have been successively discovered,
have confirmed facts already admitted, there is every reason to hope
that our knowledge of Icelandic navigation may become more precise.
Another legend, of which great part is mere romance, but which
nevertheless, contains a foundation of truth, relates that a certain
Bjorn, who was obliged to quit Iceland in consequence of an
unfortunate passion, took refuge in the countries beyond Vinland,
where in 1027, he was found by some of his countrymen.
In 1051, during another expedition, an Icelandic woman was killed by
some -Skrellings-, and in 1867, a tomb was exhumed, bearing a
-runic- inscription, and containing bones, and some articles of the
toilet, which are now preserved in the museum at Washington. This
discovery was made at the exact spot indicated in the Saga which
related these events, and which was not itself discovered until 1863.
But the Northmen, established in Iceland and Greenland, were not the
only people who frequented the coast of America about the year 1000,
which is proved by the name of "Great Ireland," which was given to
White man's land. As the history of Madoc-op-Owen proves, the Irish
and Welsh founded colonies there, regarding which we have but little
information, but vague and uncertain as it is, MM. d'Avezac and
Gaffarel agree in recognizing its probability.
Having now said a few words upon the travels and settlements of the
Northmen in Labrador, Vinland, and the more southern countries, we
must return to the north. The colonies first founded in the
neighbourhood of Cape Farewell, had not been slow in stretching
along the western coast, which at this period was infinitely less
desolate than it is at the present day, as far as northern latitudes,
which were not again reached until our own day. Thus at this time
they caught seals, walrus, and whales in the bay of Disco; there
were 190 towns counted then in Westerbygd and eighty-six in
Esterbygd, while at the present day, there are far fewer Danish
settlements on these icy shores. These towns were probably only
inconsiderable groups of those houses in stone and wood, of which so
many ruins have been found from Cape Farewell, as far as Upernavik
in about 72 degrees 50 minutes. At the same time numerous runic
inscriptions, which have now been deciphered, have given a degree of
absolute certainty to facts so long unknown. But how many of these
vestiges of the past still remain to be discovered! how many of
these valuable evidences of the bravery and spirit of enterprise of
the Scandinavian race are for ever buried under the glaciers!
[Illustration: The Glaciers of Greenland.]
We have also obtained evidence that Christianity had been brought
into America, and especially into Greenland. To this country,
according to the instructions of Pope Gregory IV., there were
pastoral visits made to strengthen the newly-converted Northmen in
the faith, and to evangelize the Esquimaux and the Indian tribes.
Besides this, M. Riant in 1865, has proved incontrovertibly that the
Crusades were preached in Greenland in the bishopric of Gardar, as
well as in the -islands and neighbouring lands-, and that up to 1418,
Greenland paid to the Holy See tithes and St. Peter's pence, which
for that year consisted of 2600 lbs. of walrus tusks.
The Norwegian colonies owe their downfall and ruin to various
causes: to the very rapid extension of the glaciers,--Hayes has
proved that the glacier of Friar John moves at the rate of about
thirty-three yards annually;--to the bad policy of the mother
country, which prevented the recruiting of the colonies; to the
black plague, which decimated the population of Greenland from 1347
to 1351; lastly, to the depredations of the pirates, who ravaged
these already enfeebled countries in 1418, and in whom some have
thought they recognized certain inhabitants of the Orkney and Faröe
Islands, of which we are now about to speak.
One of the companions of William the Conqueror, named Saint-Clair or
Sinclair, not thinking that the portion of the conquered country
allotted to him was proportioned to his merits, went to try his luck
in Scotland, where he was not long in rising to fortune and honours.
In the latter half of the fourteenth century, the Orkney Islands
passed into the hands of his descendants.
About 1390, a certain Nicolo Zeno, a member of one of the most
ancient and noble Venetian families, who had fitted out a vessel at
his own expense, to visit England and Flanders as a matter of
curiosity, was wrecked in the archipelago of the Orkneys whither he
had been driven by a storm. He was about to be massacred by the
inhabitants, when the Earl, Henry Sinclair took him under his
protection. The history of this wreck, and the adventures and
discoveries which followed it, published in the collection of
Ramusio had been written by Antonio Zeno, says Clements Markham, the
learned geographer, in his "Threshold of the Unknown Region."
Unfortunately one of his descendants named Nicolo Zeno, born in 1515,
when a boy, not knowing the value of these papers, tore them up,
"but some of the letters surviving, he was able from them
subsequently to compile the narrative as we now have it, and which
was printed in Venice in 1558. There was also found in the palace an
old map, rotten with age, illustrative of his voyages. Of this he
made a copy, unluckily supplying from his own reading of the
narrative what he thought was requisite for its illustration. By
doing this in a blundering way, unaided by the geographical
knowledge which enables us to see where he goes astray, he threw the
whole of the geography which he derived from the narrative into the
most lamentable confusion, while those parts of the map which are
not thus sophisticated, and which are consequently original, present
an accuracy far in advance by many generations of the geography even
of Nicolo Zeno's time, and confirm in a notable manner the site of
the old Greenland colony. In these facts we have not only the
solution of all the discussions which have arisen on the subject,
but the most indisputable proof of the authenticity of the
narrative; for it is clear that Nicolo Zeno, junior, could not
himself have been the ingenious concocter of a story the
straightforward truth of which he could thus ignorantly distort upon
the face of the map."
The name of Zichmni, in which writers of the present day, and chief
among them Mr. H. Major, who has rescued these facts from the domain
of fable, recognize the name of Sinclair--appears to be in fact only
applicable to this earl of the Orkneys.
At this time the seas of the north of Europe were infected by
Scandinavian pirates. Sinclair, who had recognized in Zeno a clever
mariner, attached him to himself, and with him conquered the country
of Frisland, the haunt of pirates, who ravaged all the north of
Scotland. In the maps at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of
the sixteenth century this name is applied to the archipelago of the
Faröe Islands, a reasonable indication, for Buache has recognized in
the present names of the harbours and islands of this archipelago a
considerable number of those given by Zeno; finally the facts which
we owe to the Venetian navigator about the waters,--abounding in
fish and dangerous from shallows,--which divide this archipelago,
are still true at the present day.
Satisfied with his position, Zeno wrote to his brother Antonio to
come and join him. While Sinclair was conquering the Faröe Islands,
the Norwegian pirates desolated the Shetland Islands, then called
Eastland. Nicolo set sail to give them battle, but was himself
obliged to fly before their fleet, much more numerous than his own,
and to take refuge on a small island on the coast of Iceland.
After wintering in this place Zeno must have landed the following
year on the eastern coast of Greenland at 69 degrees north latitude,
in a place "where was a monastery of the order of preaching friars,
and a church dedicated to St. Thomas. The cells were warmed by a
natural spring of hot water, which the monks used to prepare their
food and to bake their bread. The monks had also gardens covered
over in the winter season, and warmed by the same means, so that
they were able to produce flowers, fruits, and herbs as well as if
they had lived in a mild climate." There would seem to be some
confirmation of these narratives in the fact that between the years
1828-1830 a captain of the Danish navy met with a population of 600
individuals at 69 degrees north latitude, of a purely European type.
But these adventurous travels in countries of which the climate was
so different from that of Venice, proved fatal to Zeno, who died a
short time after his return to Frisland.
An old sailor, who had returned with the Venetian, and who said he
had been for many long years a prisoner in the countries of the
extreme west, gave to Sinclair such precise and tempting details of
the fertility and extent of these regions, that the latter resolved
to attempt their conquest with Antonio Zeno who had rejoined his
brother. But the inhabitants showed themselves everywhere so hostile,
and opposed such resistance to the strangers landing, that Sinclair
after a long and dangerous voyage was obliged to return to Frisland.
These are all the details that have been left to us, and they make
us deeply regret the loss of those that Antonio should have
furnished in his letters to his father Carlo, on the subject of the
countries which Forster and Malto-Brun have thought may be
identified with Newfoundland.
Who knows, if in his voyage to England and during his wanderings as
far as Thule, Christopher Columbus may not have heard mentioned the
ancient expeditions of the Northmen and the Zeni, and if this
information may not have appeared to him a strange confirmation of
the theories which he held, and of the ideas for whose realization
he came to claim the protection of the King of England?
From the collection of facts which have been here briefly given, it
follows that America was known to Europeans and had been colonized
before the time of Columbus. But in consequence of various
circumstances, and foremost among these must be placed the rarity of
communication between the people in the north of Europe and those in
the south, the discoveries made by the Northmen were only vaguely
known in Spain and Portugal. Judging by appearances, we of the
present day know much more on this subject than did the
fellow-countrymen and contemporaries of Columbus. If the Genoese
mariner had been informed of the existence of some rumours, he
classed them with the information he had collected in the Cape de
Verd Islands and with his classical recollections of the famous
Island of Antilia and the Atlantides of Plato. From this information,
which came from so many different sides, the certainty awoke within
him that the east could be reached by the western route. However it
may be, his glory remains whole and entire; he is really the
discoverer of America, and not those who were carried thither in
spite of themselves by chances of wind and storm, without their
having any intention of reaching the shores of Asia, which
Christopher Columbus would have done, had not the way been barred by
America.
The information that we are about to give on the family of Cortereal,
although it may be much more complete than that which can be met
with in biographical Dictionaries, is still extremely vague.
Nevertheless we must content ourselves with it, for up to this time
history has not collected further details concerning this race of
intrepid navigators.
Joao Vaz Cortereal was the natural son of a gentleman named Vasco
Annes da Costa, who had received the soubriquet of Cortereal from
the King of Portugal, on account of the magnificence of his house
and followers. Devoted like so many other gentlemen of this period
to sea-faring adventure, Joao Vaz had carried off in Gallicia a
young girl named Maria de Abarca, who became his wife. After having
been gentleman-usher to the Infante don Fernando, he was sent by the
king to the North Atlantic, with Alvaro Martins Homem. The two
navigators saw an island known from this time by the name of -Terra
dos Bacalhaos---the land of cod-fish--which must really have been
Newfoundland. The date of this discovery is approximately fixed by
the fact that on their return, they landed at Terceira and finding
the captainship vacant by the death of Jacome de Bruges, they went
to ask for it from the Infanta Doña Brites, the widow of the Infante
Don Fernando; she bestowed it upon them on condition that they would
divide it between them, a fact which is confirmed by a deed of gift
dated from Evora the 2nd of April, 1464. Though one cannot guarantee
the authenticity of this discovery of America, it is nevertheless an
ascertained fact that Cortereal's voyage must have been signalized
by some extraordinary event; donations of such importance as this
were only made to those who had rendered some great service to the
crown.
When Vaz Cortereal was settled at Terceira from 1490 to 1497, he
caused a fine palace to be built in the town of Angra, where he
lived with his three children. His third son, Gaspard, after having
been in the service of King Emmanuel, when the latter was only Duke
de Beja had felt himself attracted while still young to the
enterprises of discovery which had rendered his father illustrious.
By an act dated from Cintra the 12th of March, 1500, King Emmanuel
made a gift to Gaspard Cortereal of any islands or -terra firma-
which he might discover, and the king added this valuable
information, that "already and at other times he had sought for them
on his own account and at his own expense."
For Gaspard Cortereal this was not his first essay. Probably, his
researches may have been directed to the parts where his father had
discovered the Island of Cod. At his own expense, although with the
assistance of the king, Gaspard Cortereal fitted out two vessels at
the commencement of the summer of 1500, and after having touched at
Terceira, he sailed towards the north-west. His first discovery was
of a land of which the fertile and verdant aspect seems to have
charmed him. This was Canada. He saw there a great river bearing ice
along with it on its course--the St. Lawrence--which some of his
companions mistook for an arm of the sea, and to which he gave the
name of -Rio Nevado-. "Its volume is so considerable that it is not
probable that this country is an island, besides, it must be
completely covered with a very thick coating of snow to produce such
a stream of water."
The houses in this country were of wood and covered with skins and
furs. The inhabitants were unacquainted with iron, but used swords
made of sharpened stones, and their arrows were tipped with
fish-bones or stones. Tall and well-made, their faces and bodies
were painted in different colours according to taste, they wore
golden and copper bracelets, and dressed themselves in garments of
fur. Cortereal pursued his voyage and arrived at the Cape of
-Bacalhaos-, "fishes which are found in such great quantities upon
this coast that they hinder the advance of the caravels." Then he
followed the shore for a stretch of 600 miles, from 56 degrees to 60
degrees, or even more, naming the islands, the rivers, and the gulfs
that he met with, as is proved by -Terra do Labrador, Bahia de
Conceiçao-, &c., and landing and holding intercourse with the
natives. Severe cold, and a veritable river of gigantic blocks of
ice prevented the expedition from going farther north, and it
returned to Portugal bringing back with it fifty-seven natives. The
very year of his return, on the 15th of May, 1501, Gaspard Cortereal,
in pursuance of an order of the 15th of April, received provisions,
and left Lisbon in the hope of extending the field of his
discoveries. But from this time he is never again mentioned. Michael
Cortereal, his brother, who was the first gentleman-usher to the
king, then requested and obtained permission to go and seek his
brother, and to pursue his enterprise. By an act of the 15th of
January, 1502, a deed of gift conveyed to him the half of the terra
firma and islands which his brother might have discovered. Setting
out on the 10th of May of this year with three vessels, Michael
Cortereal reached Newfoundland, where he divided his little squadron,
so that each of the vessels might explore the coasts separately,
while he fixed the place of rendezvous. But at the time fixed, he
did not reappear, and the two other vessels, after waiting for him
till the 20th of August, set out on their return to Portugal.
In 1503, the king sent two caravels to try to obtain news of the two
brothers, but the search was in vain, and they returned without
having acquired any information. When Vasco Annes, the last of the
brothers Cortereal, who was captain and governor of the Islands of
St. George and Terceira, and alcaide mõr of the town of Tavilla,
became acquainted with these sad events, he resolved to fit out a
vessel at his own cost, and to go and search for his brothers. The
king, however, would not allow him to go, fearing to lose the last
of this race of good servants.
Upon the maps of this period, Canada is often indicated by the name
of Terra dos Cortereales, a name which is sometimes extended much
further south, embracing a great part of North America.
* * * * *
All that concerns John and Sebastian Cabot has been until recently
shrouded by a mist which is not even now completely dissipated,
notwithstanding the conscientious labours of Biddle the American in
1831, and of our compatriot M. d'Avezac; as also those of Mr.
Nicholls the Englishman, who taking advantage of the discoveries
made among the English, Spanish, and Venetian archives, has built up
an imposing monument, of which some parts, however, are open to
discussion. It is from the two last-named works that we shall draw
the materials for this rapid sketch, but principally from Mr.
Nicholls' book, which has this advantage over the smaller volume of
M. d'Avezac, that it relates the whole life of Sebastian Cabot.
[Illustration: Sebastian Cabot. -From an old print-.]
It has been found impossible to determine with certainty either the
name or the nationality of John Cabot, and still less to settle the
period of his birth. John Cabota, Caboto or Cabot must have been
born, if not in Genoa itself, as M. d'Avezac asserts, at least in
the neighbourhood of that town, possibly at Castiglione, about the
first quarter of the fifteenth century. Some historians have
considered that he was an Englishman, and perhaps Mr. Nicholls from
national considerations is inclined to adopt this opinion; at least
this seems to be the meaning of the expressions used by him. What we
do know without room for doubt, is that John Cabot came to London to
occupy himself with commerce, and that he soon settled at Bristol,
then the second town in the kingdom, in one of the suburbs which had
received the name of Cathay, probably from the number of Venetians
who resided there, and the trade carried on by them with the
countries of the extreme East. It was at Bristol that Cabot's two
youngest children were born, Sebastian and Sancho, if we may rely
upon the following account given by the old chronicler Eden.
"Sebastian Cabot told me that he was born at Bristol, and that at
four years of age he went with his father to Venice, returning with
him to England some years later; this made people imagine that he
was born at Venice." In 1476, John Cabot was at Venice, and there on
the 29th of March, he received letters of naturalization, which
prove that he was not a native of this city, and that he must have
merited the honour by some service rendered to the Republic. M.
d'Avezac is inclined to think that he devoted himself to the study
of cosmography and navigation, perhaps even in company with the
celebrated Florentine, Paul Toscanelli, with whose theories upon the
distribution of land and sea on the surface of the globe, he would
certainly be acquainted at this time. He may also have heard mention
made of the islands situated in the Atlantic, and known by the names
of Antilia, the Land of the Seven Cities, or Brazil. What seems more
certain is, that his business affairs took him to the Levant, and,
it is said, to Mecca, and that while there he would learn from what
country came the spices, which then constituted the most important
branch of Venetian commerce.
Whatever value we may attach to these speculative theories, it is at
least certain that John Cabot founded an important mercantile house
at Bristol. His son Sebastian, who in these first voyages had
acquired an inclination for the sea, studied navigation, as far as
it was then known, and made some excursions on the sea, to render
himself as familiar with the practice of this art, as he already was
with its theory. "For seven years past," says the Spanish Ambassador
in a despatch of the 25th of July, 1498, speaking of an expedition
commanded by Cabot, "the people of Bristol have fitted out two,
three, or four caravels every year, to go in search of the Island of
Brazil, and of the Seven Cities, according to the ideas of the
Genoese." At this time the whole of Europe resounded with the fame
of the discoveries of Columbus. "It awoke in me," says Sebastian
Cabot, in a narrative preserved by Ramusio, "a great desire and a
kind of ardour in my heart to do myself also something famous, and
knowing by examining the globe, that if I sailed by the west wind I
should reach India more rapidly, I at once made my project known to
His Majesty, who was much satisfied with it." The king to whom Cabot
addressed himself was the same Henry VII. who some years before had
refused all support to Christopher Columbus. It is evident that he
received with favour the project which John and Sebastian Cabot had
just submitted to him; and though Sebastian, in the fragment which
we have just quoted, attributes to himself alone all the honour of
the project, it is not less true that his father was the promoter of
the enterprise, as the following charter shows, which we translate
in an abridged form.
"We Henry ... permit our well-beloved Jehan Cabot, citizen of Venice,
and Louis, Sebastian, and Sancho, his sons, under our flag and with
five vessels of the tonnage and crew which they shall judge suitable,
to discover at their own expense and charge ... we grant to them as
well as to their heirs and assigns, licence to occupy, possess ...
at the charge of, by them, upon the profits, benefits, and
advantages, accruing from this navigation, to pay us in merchandise
or in money the fifth part of the profit thus obtained, for each of
their voyages, every time that they shall return to the port of
Bristol (at which port they shall be compelled to land).... We
promise and guarantee to them, their heirs and assigns, that they
shall be exempt from all custom-house duties on the merchandise
which they shall bring from the countries thus discovered.... We
command and direct all our subjects, as well on land as on the sea,
to render assistance to the said Jehan, and to his sons.... Given
at ... the 5th day of March, 1495."
Such was the charter that was granted to John Cabot and his sons
upon their return from the American continent, and not as certain
authors have pretended, anterior to this voyage. From the time that
the news of the discovery made by Columbus had reached England, that
is to say, probably in 1493, John and Sebastian Cabot prepared the
expedition at their own expense, and set out at the beginning of the
year 1494, with the idea of reaching Cathay, and finally the Indies.
There can be no doubt upon this point, for in the Bibliothèque
Nationale in Paris is preserved an unique copy of the map engraved
in 1544, that is to say, in the lifetime of Sebastian Cabot, which
mentions this voyage, and the precise and exact date of the
discovery of Cape Breton.
It is probable that we must attribute to the intrigues of the
Spanish Ambassador, the delay which occurred in Cabot's expedition,
for the whole of the year 1496 passed without the voyage being
accomplished.
The following year he set out at the beginning of summer. After
having again sighted the -Terra Bona-vista-, he followed the coast,
and was not long in perceiving to his great disappointment that it
trended towards the north. "Then, sailing along it to make sure if I
could not find some passage, I could not perceive any, and having
advanced as far as 56 degrees, and seeing that at this point the
land turned towards the east, I despaired of finding any passage,
and I put about to examine the coast in this direction towards the
equinoctial line, always with the same object of finding a passage
to the Indies, and in the end, I reached the country now called
Florida, where as provisions were beginning to run short, I resolved
to return to England." This narrative, of which we have given the
commencement above, was related by Cabot to Fracastor, forty or
fifty years after the event. Also, is it not astonishing that Cabot
mixes up in it two perfectly distinct voyages, that of 1494, and
that of 1497? Let us add some reflections on this narrative. The
first land seen was, without doubt, the North Cape, the northern
extremity of the island of Cape Breton, and the island which is
opposite to it is that of Prince Edward, long known by the name of
St. John's Island. Cabot, probably penetrated into the estuary of
the St. Lawrence, which he took for an arm of the sea, near to the
place where Quebec now stands, and coasted along the northern shore
of the gulf, so that he did not see the coast of Labrador stretching
away in the east. He took Newfoundland for an archipelago, and
continued his course to the south, not doubtless, as far as Florida
as he states himself, the time occupied by the voyage making it
impossible that he can have descended so low, but as far as
Chesapeake Bay. These were the countries which the Spaniards
afterwards called "Terra de Estevam Gomez."
On the 3rd of February, 1498, King Henry VII. signed at Westminster
some new letters patent. He empowered John Cabot or his
representative,--being duly authorized--to take in English ports six
vessels of 200 tons' burden, and to procure all that should be
required for their equipment, at the same price as if it were for
the crown. He was allowed to take on board such master-mariners,
pages, and other subjects as might of their own accord wish to go,
and pass with him to the recently discovered land and islands. John
Cabot bore the expense of the equipment of two vessels, and three
others were fitted out at the cost of the merchants of Bristol.
In all probability it was death--a sudden and unexpected
death--which prevented John Cabot from taking the command of this
expedition. His son Sebastian then assumed the direction of the
fleet, which carried 300 men and provisions for a year. After having
sighted land at 45 degrees, Sebastian Cabot followed the coast as
far as 58 degrees, perhaps even higher, but then it became so cold,
and although it was the month of July, there was so much floating
ice about, that, it would have been impossible to go further
northwards. The days were very long, and the nights excessively
light, an interesting detail by which to fix the latitude reached,
for we know that below the 60th parallel of latitude the longest
days are eighteen hours. These various reasons made Sebastian Cabot
decide to put about, and he touched at the Bacalhaos Islands, of
which the inhabitants, who were clothed in the skins of animals,
were armed with bow and arrows, lance, javelin, and wooden sword.
The navigators here caught a great number of cod-fish; they were
even so numerous, says an old narrative, that they hindered ships
from advancing. After having sailed along the coast of America as
far as 38 degrees, Cabot set out for England, where he arrived at
the beginning of autumn. This voyage had indeed a threefold object,
that of discovery, commerce, and colonization, as is shown by the
number of vessels which took part in it and the strength of the
crews. Nevertheless it does not appear that Cabot landed any one, or
that he made any attempts at forming a settlement, either in
Labrador, or in Hudson's Bay--which he was destined to explore more
completely in 1517, in the reign of Henry VIII.--or even to the
south of the Bacalhaos, known by the general name of Newfoundland.
At the close of this expedition, which was almost entirely
unproductive, we lose sight of Sebastian Cabot, if not completely,
at least so as to be insufficiently informed about his deeds and
voyages until 1517. The traveller Hojeda, whose various enterprises
we have related above, had left Spain in the month of May, 1499. We
know that in this voyage he met with an Englishman at Caquibaco, on
the coast of America. Can this have been Cabot? Nothing has come to
light to enable us to settle this point; but we may believe that
Cabot did not remain idle, and that he would be likely to undertake
some fresh expedition: what we do know is, that in spite of the
solemn engagements that he had made with Cabot, the King of England
granted certain privileges of trading in the countries which he had
discovered, to the Portuguese and to the merchants of Bristol. This
ungenerous manner of recognizing his services wounded the navigator,
and decided him to accept the offers which had been made to him on
different occasions, to enter the Spanish service. From the death of
Vespucius, which happened in 1512, Cabot was the navigator held in
most renown. To attach him to himself, Ferdinand wrote on the 13th
of September, 1512, to Lord Willoughby, commander in chief of the
troops which had been transported to Italy, to treat with the
Venetian navigator.
[Illustration: Discoveries of John and Sebastian Cabot.]
As soon as he arrived in Castille, Cabot received the rank of
captain, by an edict dated the 20th of October, 1512, with a salary
of 5000 maravédis. Seville was fixed upon for his residence, until
an opportunity might arise of turning his talents and experience to
account. There was a plan on foot for his taking the command of a
very important expedition, when Ferdinand the Catholic died, on the
23rd of January, 1516. Cabot returned at once to England, having
probably obtained leave of absence. Eden tells us that the following
year Cabot was appointed with Sir Thomas Pert to the command of a
fleet which was to reach China by the north-west. On the 11th of
June, he was in Hudson's Bay at 67-1/2 degrees of latitude; the sea
free from ice spread itself out before him so far that he reckoned
upon success in his enterprise, when the faintheartedness of his
companion, together with the cowardice and mutinous spirit of the
crews, who refused to go any further, obliged him to return to
England. In his -Theatrum orbis terrarum-, Ortelius traces the shape
of Hudson's Bay as it really is; he even indicates at its northern
extremity a strait leading northwards. How can the geographer have
attained to such exactness? "Who," says Mr. Nicholls, "can have
given him the information set forth in his map, if not Cabot?"
On his return to England, Cabot found the country ravaged by a
horrible plague, which put a stop even to commercial transactions.
Soon, either because the time of his leave had expired, or that he
wished to escape from the pestilence, or that he was recalled to
Spain, the Venetian navigator returned to that country. In 1518, on
the 5th of February, Cabot was made pilot-major, with a salary which,
added to that which he already had, made a total of 125,000
maravédis, say, 300 ducats. He did not actually exercise the
functions of his office till Charles V. returned from England. His
principal duty consisted in examining pilots, who were not allowed
to go to the Indies until after having passed this examination.
This epoch was by no means favourable to great maritime expeditions.
The struggle between France and Spain absorbed all the resources
both in men and money, of these two countries--Cabot too, who seems
to have adopted science for his fatherland, much more than any
particular country, made some overtures to Contarini, the Ambassador
of Venice, to take service on board the fleets of the Republic; but
when the favourable answer of the Council of Ten arrived, he had
other projects in his head, and did not carry his attempt any
further.
[Illustration: Cabot presides over a Conference of Cosmographers.]
In the month of April, 1524, Cabot presided at a conference of
mariners and cosmographers, which met at Badajoz, to discuss the
question whether the Moluccas belonged, according to the celebrated
treaty of Tordesillas, to Spain or Portugal. On the 31st of May, it
was decided that the Moluccas were within the Spanish waters, by 20
degrees. Perhaps this resolution of the junta of which Cabot was
president, and which again placed in the hands of Spain a great part
of the spice trade, was not without its influence upon the
resolutions of the council of the Indies. However this may be, in
the month of September of the same year Cabot was authorized to take
the command of three vessels of 100 tons, and a small caravel,
carrying together 150 men, with the title of captain-general.
The declared aim of this voyage was to pass through the Strait of
Magellan, carefully to explore the western coast of America, and to
reach the Moluccas, where they would take in on their return a cargo
of spices. The month of August, 1525, had been fixed upon as the
date of departure, but the intrigues of Portugal succeeded in
delaying it until April, 1526.
Different circumstances seem from this moment to have augured ill
for the voyage. Cabot had only a nominal authority, and the
association of merchants who had defrayed the expenses of the
equipment not accepting him willingly as chief, had found means to
oppose all the plans of the Venetian sailor. Thus it was that in
place of the man whom he had appointed as second in command, another
was imposed upon him, and that instructions destined to be unsealed
when at sea were delivered to each captain. They contained this
absurd arrangement, that in case of the death of the captain-general,
eleven individuals were to succeed him each in his turn. Was not
this an encouragement given to assassination?
Scarcely was the fleet out of sight of land, when discontent
appeared. The rumour spread that the captain-general was not equal
to his task; then as they saw that these calumnies did not affect
him, they pretended that the flotilla was already short of
provisions. The mutiny broke out as soon as land was reached, but
Cabot was not the man to allow himself to be annihilated by it; he
had suffered too much from Sir Thomas Pert's cowardice to bear such
an insult. In order to nip the evil in the bud, he had the mutinous
captains seized, and notwithstanding their reputation and the
brilliancy of their past services, he made them get into a boat, and
abandoned them on the shore. Four months afterwards they had the
good luck to be picked up by a Portuguese expedition, which seems to
have had orders to thwart the plans of Cabot.
The Venetian navigator then penetrated into the Rio de la Plata, the
exploration of which had been commenced by his predecessor the
Pilot-major de Solis. The expedition was not then composed of more
than two vessels, one having been lost during the voyage. Cabot
sailed up the Argent River, and discovered an island which he called
Francis Gabriel, and upon which he built the fort of San Salvador,
entrusting the command of it to Antonio de Grajeda. Cabot had the
keel removed from one of his caravels, and with it, being towed by
his small boats, entered the Parana, built a new fort at the
confluence of the Carcarama and Terceiro, and after having thus
secured his line of retreat he pursued the course of these rivers
farther into the interior. Arriving at the confluence of the Parana
and Paraguay, he followed the second, the direction of which agreed
best with his project of reaching the region of the west where
silver was to be obtained. But it was not long before the aspect of
the country changed, and the attitude of the inhabitants altered
also. Until now, they had collected in crowds, astonished at the
sight of the vessels; but upon the cultivated shores of the Paraguay
they courageously opposed the strangers' landing, and three
Spaniards having tried to knock down the fruit from a palm-tree, a
struggle took place, in which 300 natives lost their lives. This
victory had disabled twenty-five Spaniards. It was too much for
Cabot, who rapidly removed his wounded to the fort San Spirito and
retired, still presenting a bold front to the enemy.
Cabot had already sent two of his companions to the Emperor, to
acquaint him with the attempt at revolt of the captains, to explain
to him the motives which obliged him to modify the course marked out
for his voyage, and to request aid from him, both in men and
provisions. The answer arrived at last. The Emperor approved of what
Cabot had done, and ordered him to colonize the country in which he
had just made a settlement, but did not send him either one man or a
single maravédi. Cabot tried to procure the resources which he
needed in the country, and caused some attempts at cultivation to be
commenced. At the same time, to keep his troops in exercise, he
reduced the neighbouring nations to obedience, had some forts built,
and again sailing up the Paraguay he reached Potosi, and the
water-courses of the Andes which feed the basin of the Atlantic. At
last he prepared to enter Peru, from whence came the gold and silver
which he had seen in the possession of the natives; but it needed
more troops than he could muster, to attempt the conquest of this
vast region. The Emperor, however, was quite unable to send him any.
His European wars absorbed all his resources, the Cortez refused to
vote new subsidies and the Moluccas had just been pledged to
Portugal. In this state of affairs, after having occupied the
country for five years, and waited all this time for the assistance
which never came, Cabot decided to evacuate a part of his
settlements, and he returned with some of his people to Spain. The
rest, amounting to 120, men who were left to guard the fort of San
Spirito, after many vicissitudes which cannot be related here,
perished by the hands of the Indians, or were obliged to take refuge
in the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Brazil. It is to the
horses imported by Cabot that is due the wonderful race of wild
horses which may be seen in large troops on the pampas of La Plata
at the present day; this was the only result of the expedition.
Some time after his return to Spain, Cabot resigned his office, and
went to Bristol, where he settled about 1548, that is to say at the
beginning of the reign of Edward VI. What were the motives of this
fresh change? Was Cabot discontented at having been left to his own
resources during his expedition? Was he hurt at the manner in which
his services were recompensed? It is impossible to say. But Charles
V. took advantage of Cabot's departure to deprive him of his pension,
which Edward VI. hastened to replace, causing him to receive 250
marks annually, about 116-l.- and a fraction, which was a
considerable sum for that period.
The post which Cabot occupied in England seems to be best expressed
by the name of Intendant of the Navy; under the authority of the
king and council, he appears to have superintended all maritime
affairs. He issues licences, he examines pilots, he frames
instructions, he draws maps, a varied and complicated function for
which he possessed the rare gift of both practical and theoretical
knowledge. At the same time he instructed the young king in
cosmography, explained to him the variation of the compass, and was
successful in interesting him in nautical matters, and in the glory
resulting from maritime discoveries. It was a high and almost unique
situation. Cabot used it to put into execution a project which he
had long cherished.
At this period, we may almost say there was no trade in England. All
commerce was in the hands of the Hanseatic towns, Antwerp, Hamburg,
Bremen, &c. These companies of merchants had, on various occasions,
obtained considerable reductions in import duties, and had ended by
monopolizing the English trade. Cabot held that Englishmen possessed
as good qualifications as these merchants for becoming manufacturers,
and that the already powerful navy which England possessed might
assist marvellously in the export of the products of the soil and of
the manufactures. What was the use of having recourse to strangers
when people could do their own business? If they had been unable up
to this time to reach Cathay and India by the north-west, might they
not endeavour to reach it by the north-east. And if they did not
succeed, would they not find in this direction more commercial, and
more civilized people than the miserable Esquimaux on the coast of
Labrador and Newfoundland?
Cabot assembled some leading London merchants, laid his projects
before them, and formed them into an association, of which on the
14th of December, 1551, he was named president for life. At the same
time he exerted himself most vigorously with the king, and having
made him understand the wrong which the monopoly enjoyed by
strangers did to his own subjects, he obtained its abolition on the
23rd of February, 1551, and inaugurated the practice of free trade.
The Association of English Merchants, under the name of "Merchant
Adventurers," hastened to have some vessels built, adapted to the
difficulties to be encountered in the navigation of the Arctic
regions. The first improvement which the English marine owed to
Cabot was the sheathing of the keels, which he had seen done in
Spain, but which had not hitherto been practised in England.
A flotilla of three vessels was assembled at Deptford. They were the
-Buona-Speranza-, of which the command was given to Sir Hugh
Willoughby, a brave gentleman who had earned a high reputation in
war; the -Buona-Confidencia-, Captain Cornil Durforth; and the
-Bonaventure-, Captain Richard Chancellor, a clever sailor, and a
particular friend of Cabot's; he received the title of pilot-major.
The sailing-master of the -Bonaventure- was Stephen Burrough, an
accomplished mariner, who was destined to make numerous voyages in
the North seas, and later to become pilot in chief for England.
Although age and his important duties prevented Cabot from placing
himself at the head of the expedition, he wished at least, to
preside over all the details of the equipment. He himself wrote out
the instructions, which have been preserved, and which prove the
prudence and skill of this distinguished navigator. He there
recommends the use of the log-line, an instrument intended to
measure the speed of the vessel, and he desires that the journal of
the events happening at sea may be kept with regularity, and that
all information as to the character, manners, habits, and resources
of the people visited, and the productions of the country, may be
recorded in writing. The sailors were to offer no violence to the
natives, but to act towards them with courtesy. All blasphemy and
swearing was to be punished with severity, and also drunkenness. The
religious exercises are prescribed, prayers are to be said morning
and evening, and the Holy Scriptures are to be read once in the day.
Cabot ends by recommending union and concord above all, and reminds
the captains of the greatness of their enterprise, and the honour
which they might hope to gain; finally he promises them to add his
prayers to theirs for the success of their common work.
The squadron set sail on the 20th of May, 1558, in presence of the
court assembled at Greenwich, amid an immense concourse of people,
after fêtes and rejoicings, at which the king, who was ill, could
not be present. Near the Loffoden Islands, on the coast of Norway at
the bearing of Wardhous, the squadron was separated from the
-Bonaventure-. Carried away by the storm, Willoughby's two vessels
touched, without doubt, at Nova Zembla, and were forced by the ice
to return southwards. On the 18th of September, they entered the
port formed by the mouth of the River Arzina in East Lapland. Some
time afterwards, the -Buona-Confidencia-, separated from Willoughby
by a fresh tempest, returned to England. As to the latter, some
Russian fishermen found his vessel the following year, in the midst
of the ice. The whole crew had died of cold. This, at least, is what
we are led to suppose from the journal kept by the unfortunate
Willoughby up to the month of January, 1554.
1
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(
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,
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;
,
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236
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(
)
,
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,
,
239
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240
,
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241
.
242
243
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244
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245
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246
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,
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269
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272
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273
274
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277
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281
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,
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282
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283
,
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284
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285
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287
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288
,
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289
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290
!
291
292
!
293
294
[
:
.
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295
296
297
,
.
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298
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,
299
-
300
,
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301
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306
307
308
:
,
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-
309
310
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-
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312
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357
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361
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362
363
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368
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372
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375
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392
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-
394
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399
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401
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408
409
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410
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412
-
413
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414
415
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416
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417
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418
419
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420
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421
422
,
423
424
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425
,
426
427
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428
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429
430
-
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431
,
432
433
434
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435
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.
437
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438
,
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443
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448
449
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451
452
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455
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457
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459
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461
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462
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463
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464
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466
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467
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468
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469
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470
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471
472
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473
474
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475
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476
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477
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478
479
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480
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484
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485
486
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487
488
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489
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490
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492
493
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494
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495
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496
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497
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498
499
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500
501
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506
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507
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508
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510
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520
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526
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532
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542
543
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548
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550
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553
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562
563
564
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565
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569
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570
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571
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572
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575
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578
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587
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588
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589
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591
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592
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593
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594
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595
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597
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598
599
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600
601
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613
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650
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652
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660
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752
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764
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785
786
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787
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797
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821
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824
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;
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899
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.
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931
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933
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,
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.
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-
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;
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;
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964
965
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968
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984
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,
.
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,
997
.
.
,
,
998
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,
.
1000