distance and dispersion of the various factories, the smallness of
the population of Portugal, but little suited to the wide extension
of her establishments, the love of brigandage, and the exactions of
a bad government, but beyond all, that indomitable national pride
which forbade any mingling of the victors with the vanquished.
The fall of the colonial empire was hindered for a time by the
influence of two heroic men, the first was Juan de Castro, who after
having had the control of untold riches, remained so poor that he
had not even the wherewithal to buy a fowl in his last illness; and
the second, Ataïde, who once again gave the corrupt eastern
populations an example of the most manly virtues, and of the most
upright administration. But after their time the empire began to
drop to pieces, and fell by degrees into the hands of the Spaniards
and the Dutch, who in their turn were unable to preserve it intact.
All passes away, all is changed. What can be said but to repeat the
Spanish saw, in applying it to the case of empires, "Life is but a
dream"?
END OF THE FIRST PART.
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
THE CONQUERORS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
I.
Hojeda--Americus Vespucius--The New World named after him--Juan de
la Cosa--Vincent Yañez Pinzon--Bastidas--Diego de Lepe--Diaz de
Solis--Ponce de Leon and Florida--Balboa discovers the Pacific
Ocean--Grijalva explores the coast of Mexico.
The letters and narratives of Columbus and his companions,
especially those dwelling upon the large quantity of gold and pearls
found in the recently discovered countries, had inflamed the
imagination of eager traders, and of numbers of gentlemen who loved
adventure. On the 10th of April, 1495, the Spanish government had
issued an order allowing any one who might wish to do so, to go and
discover new countries; but this privilege was so much abused, and
Columbus complained so bitterly of its trenching upon established
rights, that the permission was withdrawn on the 2nd of June, 1497,
and four years later it became necessary to repeat the prohibition
with more severe penalties attached to its infringement. The effect
of the royal decree was at once to produce a kind of general rush to
the Indies, and this was favoured by Bishop Fonseca of Badajoz,
through whose hands passed all business connected with the Indies,
and of whom Columbus had had so much reason to complain.
The admiral had but just left San-Lucar on his third voyage, when
four expeditions of discovery were fitted out almost at the same
moment, at the cost of some rich ship-owners, foremost among whom we
find the Pinzons and Americus Vespucius. The first of these
expeditions, which left the port of Santa-Maria on the 20th of May,
1499, consisted of four vessels, and was commanded by Alonzo Hojeda.
Juan de la Cosa sailed with him as pilot; Americus Vespucius was
also on board, without any very clearly defined duties, but he would
seem to have been astronomer to the fleet.
[Illustration: Americus Vespucius. -Fac-simile of an old print-.]
Before entering on a brief account of this voyage, we will glance
for a few moments at the three men whom we have just named; the last
of the three especially, plays a most important part in the
discovery of the New World, which received its name from him.
Hojeda, born at Cuença about 1465, and brought up in the household
of the Duke of Medina-Celi, had gained his first experience in arms
in the wars against the Moors. Columbus enrolled him amongst the
adventurers whom he recruited for his second voyage, when Hojeda
distinguished himself alike by his cool courage and his readiness in
surmounting all difficulties. What caused his complete rupture with
Columbus remains a mystery; it appears still more inexplicable when
we think of the distinguished services that Hojeda had rendered,
especially in 1495, at the battle of La Vega, when the Caribbean
Confederation was annihilated. All we know is, that on Hojeda's
return to Spain he found shelter and protection with Bishop Fonseca.
It is said even that the Indian minister supplied him with the
journal of the admiral's last voyage, and the map of the countries
which Columbus had discovered.
The first pilot employed by Hojeda was Juan de la Cosa, born
probably at Santona, in the Biscayan country. He had often sailed
along the coast of Africa before accompanying Columbus on his first
voyage, while in the second expedition he filled the post of
hydrographer (-maestro de hacer cartas-).
As specimens of La Cosa's talent in drawing maps may be mentioned
two very curious ones still extant; one showing all the territory
that had been acquired in Africa in 1500, the other on vellum, and
enriched with colour like the first, giving the discoveries made by
Columbus and his successors. The second pilot was Bartholomew Roldan,
who had likewise sailed with Columbus on his voyage to Paria.
As to Americus Vespucius, his duties were not, as we have said, very
clearly defined, he was there to aid in making discoveries (-per
ajutare a discoprire-, says the Italian text of his letter to
Soderini). Born at Florence on the 9th of March, 1451, Amerigo
Vespucci belonged to a family of distinction and wealth. He had made
mathematics, natural philosophy, and astrology (as it was then
called) his special studies. His knowledge of history and literature,
judging from his letters, appears to have been somewhat vague and
ill-digested. He left Florence in 1492 without any special aim in
view, and went to Spain, where he occupied himself at first in
commercial pursuits. We hear of him in Seville acting as factor in
the powerful trading house of his fellow countryman, Juanoto Berardi.
As this house had advanced money to Columbus for his second voyage,
it is not unlikely that Vespucius had become acquainted with the
admiral at this period of his career. On Juanoto's death in 1495,
Vespucius was placed by his heirs at the head of the financial
department of the house. Whether he may have been tired of a
situation that he thought below his powers, or been seized in his
turn with the fever for making new discoveries, or whether he hoped
to make his fortune rapidly in the new countries reputed to be so
rich; whatever in short may have been the motive that actuated him,
at least this we know, that he joined Hojeda's expedition in 1499,
this fact being so stated in Hojeda's deposition in the law-suit
instituted by the Treasury with the heirs of Columbus.
The flotilla, consisting of four vessels, set sail on the 20th of
May from Santa-Maria, taking a south-westerly course, and in
twenty-seven days the American continent was sighted at the place
which was named Venezuela, because the houses being built upon piles
reminded the beholders of Venice. Hojeda, after some ineffectual
attempts to hold intercourse with the natives, with whom he had
several skirmishes, next saw the Island of Margarita; after sailing
about 250 miles to the east of the river Orinoco he reached the Gulf
of Paria, and entered a bay called the Bay of -Las Perlas-, from the
natives of that part being employed in the pearl fisheries.
Guided by the maps of Columbus, Hojeda passed by the Dragon's-Mouth,
which separates Trinidad from the continent, and returned westward
to Cape -La Vela-. Then, after touching at the Caribbee Islands,
where he made a number of prisoners, whom he hoped to sell for
slaves in Spain, he was obliged to cast anchor at Yaquimo, in
Hispaniola, on the 5th of September, 1499.
Columbus, knowing Hojeda's courage and his restless spirit only too
well, feared that he would introduce a new element of discord into
the colony. He therefore despatched Francesco Roldan with two
caravels to inquire into his motives in coming to the island, and if
necessary to prevent his landing. The admiral's fears were but too
well grounded; Hojeda had scarcely landed before he had an interview
with some of the malcontents, inciting them to a rising at Xaragua,
and to a determination to expel Columbus. After some skirmishes,
which had not ended to Hojeda's advantage, a meeting was arranged
for him with Roldan, Diego d'Escobar, and Juan de la Cosa, when they
prevailed upon him to leave the island. "He took with him," says Las
Casas, "a prodigious cargo of slaves, whom he sold in the market at
Cadiz for enormous sums of money." He returned to Spain in February,
1500, where he had been preceded by Americus Vespucius and B. Roldan
on the 18th of October, 1499.
The most southerly point that Hojeda had reached in this voyage was
4 degrees north latitude, and he had only spent fourteen weeks on
the voyage of discovery, properly so called. If we appear to have
dwelt at some length upon this voyage, it is because it was the
first one made by Vespucius. Some authors, Varnhagen for instance,
and quite recently, Mr. H. Major, in his history of Prince Henry the
Navigator, assert that Vespucius' first voyage was in 1497, and
consequently that he must have seen the American continent before
Columbus, but we prefer to follow Humboldt, who spent so many years
in studying the history of the discovery of America, in his opinion
that 1499 was the right date, also M. Ed. Charton and M. Jules
Codine, the latter of whom discussed this question in the Report of
the Geographical Society for 1873, -apropos- of Mr. Major's book.
"If it were true," says Voltaire, "that Vespucius had discovered the
American Continent, yet the glory would not be his; it belongs
undoubtedly to the man who had the genius and courage to undertake
the first voyage, to Columbus." As Newton says in his argument with
Leibnitz, "the glory is due only to the inventor." But we agree with
M. Codine when he says, "How can we allow that there was an
expedition in 1497 which resulted in the discovery of above 2500
miles of the coast-line of the mainland, when there is no trace of
it left either among the great historians of that time, or in the
legal depositions in connexion with the claims made by the heir of
Columbus against the Spanish Government, in which the priority of
the discoveries of each leader of an expedition is carefully
mentioned, with the part of the coast explored by each?" Finally,
the authentic documents extracted from the archives of the -Casa de
contratacion- make it evident that Vespucius was entrusted with the
preparation of the vessels destined for the third voyage of Columbus
at Seville and at San Lucar from the middle of August, 1497, till
the departure of Columbus on the 30th of May, 1498. The narratives
of the voyages of Vespucius are very diffuse and wanting in
precision and order; the information they give upon the places he
visited is so vague, that it might apply to one part of the coast as
well as to another; as to the localities treated of, as well as of
the companions of Vespucius, there are no indications given of a
nature to aid the historian. Not a single name is given of any
well-known person, and the dates are contradictory in those famous
letters which have given endless work to commentators. Humboldt says
of them "There is an element of discord in the most authentic
documents relating to the Florentine navigator." We have given an
account of Hojeda's first voyage, which coincides with that of
Vespucius according to Humboldt, who has compared the principal
incidents of the two narratives. Varnhagen asserts that Vespucius,
having started on the 10th of May, 1497, entered the Gulf of
Honduras on the 10th of June, coasted by Yucatan and Mexico, sailed
up the Mississippi, and at the end of February, 1498, doubled the
Cape of Florida. After anchoring for thirty-seven days at the mouth
of the St. Lawrence, he returned to Cadiz in October, 1498.
If Vespucius had really made this marvellous voyage, he would have
far outstripped all the navigators of his time, and would have fully
deserved that his name should be given to the newly-discovered
continent, whose coast-line he had explored for so great a distance.
But nothing is less certain, and Humboldt's opinion has hitherto
appeared to the best writers to offer the largest amount of
probability.
Americus Vespucius made three other voyages. Humboldt identifies the
first with that of Vincent Yañez Pinzon, and M. d'Avezac with that
of Diego de Lepe (1499-1500). At the close of this latter year,
Giuliano Bartholomeo di Giocondo induced Vespucius to enter the
service of Emmanuel, King of Portugal, and he accomplished two more
voyages at the expense of his new master. On the first of these two
voyages, he was no higher in command than he had been in his earlier
ones, and only accompanied the expedition as one whose intimate
acquaintance with all nautical matters might prove of service under
certain circumstances. During this voyage the ships coasted along
the American shores from Cape St. Augustine to 52 degrees of south
latitude. The fourth voyage of Vespucius was marked by the wreck of
the flag-ship off the Island of Fernando de Noronha, which prevented
the other vessels from continuing their voyage towards Malacca by
way of the Cape of Good Hope, and obliged the crews to land at All
Saints' Bay, in Brazil.
This fourth voyage was unquestionably made with Gonzalo Coelho, but
we are quite ignorant as to who was in command on the third voyage.
These various expeditions had not tended to enrich Vespucius, while
his position at the Portuguese court was so far from satisfactory
that he determined to re-enter the service of the King of Spain. By
him he was made -Piloto Mayor- on the 22nd of March, 1508. There
were some valuable emoluments attached for his advantage to this
appointment, which enabled him to end his days, if not as a rich man,
at least as one far removed from want. He died at Seville on the
22nd of February, 1512, with the same conviction as Columbus, that
he had reached the shores of Asia. Americus Vespucius is especially
famous from the New World having been named after him, instead of
being called Columbia, as in all justice it should have been, but
with this Vespucius had nothing to do. He was for a long time
charged, though most unjustly, with impudence, falsehood, and deceit,
it being alleged that he wished to veil the glory of Columbus and to
arrogate to himself the honour of a discovery which did not belong
to him. This was an utterly unfounded accusation, for Vespucius was
both loved and esteemed by Columbus and his contemporaries, and
there is nothing in his writings to justify this calumnious
assertion. Seven printed documents exist which are attributed to
Vespucius; they are--the abridged accounts of his four voyages, two
narratives of his third and fourth voyages, in the form of letters,
addressed to Lorenzo de Pier Francesco de Medici, and a letter
addressed to the same nobleman, relative to the Portuguese
discoveries in the Indies. These documents, printed and bound up as
small thin volumes, were soon translated into various languages and
distributed throughout Europe.
It was in the year 1507 that a certain Hylacolymus, whose real name
was Martin Waldtzemuller, first proposed to give the name of America
to the new part of the world. He did so in a book printed at Saint
Dié and called -Cosmographia introductio-. In 1509 a small
geographical treatise appeared at Strasburg adopting the proposal of
Hylacolymus; and in 1520 an edition of Pomponius Mela was printed at
Basle, giving a map of the New World with the name of America. From
this time the number of works employing the denomination proposed by
Waldtzemuller increased perpetually.
Some years later, when Waldtzemuller was better informed as to the
real discoverer of America and of the value to be placed upon the
voyages of Vespucius, he eliminated from his book all that related
to the latter, and substituted everywhere the name of Columbus for
that of Vespucius, but it was too late, the same error has prevailed
ever since.
As to Vespucius himself, it seems very unlikely that he was at all
aware of the excitement which prevailed in Europe, nor of what was
passing at St. Dié. The testimony that has been unanimously borne to
his honourable and upright conduct should surely clear him from the
unmerited accusations which have for too long a time clouded his
memory.
Three other expeditions left Spain almost at the same time as that
of Hojeda. The first of these, consisting of but one vessel, sailed
from Barra Saltez in June 1499. Pier Alonzo Nino, who had served
under Columbus in his two last voyages, was its commander, and he
was accompanied by Christoval Guerra, a merchant of Seville, who
probably defrayed the expenses of the expedition. This voyage to the
coast of Paria seems to have been dictated more by the hope of
lucrative commerce than by the interests of science. No new
discoveries were made, but the two voyagers returned to Spain in
April, 1500, bringing with them so large a quantity of valuable
pearls as to excite the cupidity of their countrymen, who became
anxious to try their own fortunes in the same direction.
The second expedition was commanded by Vincent Yañez Pinzon, the
younger brother of Alonzo Pinzon who had been captain of the -Pinta-
and had shown so much jealousy of Columbus, even adopting the
following mendacious device:--
-A Castilla, y a Leon
Nuevo Mundo dio Pinzon-.
Yañez Pinzon, whose devotion to the admiral equalled his brother's
jealousy, had advanced an eighth part of the funds required for the
expedition of 1492, and had on that occasion been in command of the
-Nina-.
He set out in December, 1499, with four vessels, of which only two
returned to Palos at the end of September, 1500. He touched the
coast of the newly discovered continent at a point near the shore
visited by Hojeda some months before, and explored the coast for
some 2400 miles, discovering Cape St. Augustine at 8 degrees 20
minutes south latitude, following the coast-line in a north-westerly
direction to -Rio Grande-, which he named -Santa-Maria de la Mar
dulce-, and continuing in the same direction as far as Cape St.
Vincent. Diego de Lepe explored the same coasts with two caravels
from January to June, 1500; there is nothing particular to record of
this voyage beyond the very important observation that was made on
the direction of the coast-line of the continent starting from Cape
St. Augustine. Lepe had but just returned to Spain when two vessels
left Cadiz, equipped by Rodrigo M. Bastidas, a wealthy and highly
respectable man, with the view of making some fresh discoveries, but
above all with the object of collecting as large a quantity of gold
and pearls as possible, for which were to be bartered glass beads
and other worthless trifles. Juan de la Cosa, whose talents as a
navigator were proverbial, and who knew these coasts well from
having explored them, was really at the head of this expedition. The
sailors went on shore and saw the Rio Sinu, the Gulf of Urabia, and
reached the -Puerto del Retrete- or -de los Escribanos-, in the
Isthmus of Panama. This harbour was not visited by Columbus till the
26th of November, 1502; it is situated about seventeen miles from
the once celebrated, but now destroyed town of -Nombre de Dios-. In
fact this expedition, which had been organized by a merchant, became,
thanks to Juan de la Cosa, one of the voyages the most fertile in
discoveries; but alas! it came to a sad termination; the vessels
were lost in the Gulf of Xaragua, and Bastidas and La Cosa were
obliged to make their way by land to St. Domingo. When they arrived
there, Bovadilla, the upright man and model governor, whose infamous
conduct to Columbus we have already mentioned, had them arrested, on
the plea that they had bought some gold from the Indians of Xaragua;
he sent them off to Spain, which was only reached after a fearfully
stormy voyage, some of the vessels being lost on the way.
After this expedition, so fruitful in results, voyages of discovery
became rather less frequent for some years; the Spaniards being
occupied in asserting their supremacy in the countries in which they
had already founded colonies.
[Illustration: Indians devoured by Dogs. -From an old print-.]
The colonization of Hispaniola had commenced in 1493, when the town
of Isabella was built. Two years afterwards Christopher Columbus had
travelled over the island and had subjugated the poor savages, by
means of those terrible dogs which had been trained to hunt Indians,
and unaccustomed as the natives were to any hard work, he had forced
them to toil in the mines. Both Bovadilla and Ovando treating the
Indians as a herd of cattle, had divided them among the colonists as
slaves. The cruelty with which this unfortunate people was treated
became more and more unbearable. By means of a despicable ambush,
Ovando seized the Queen of Xaragua and 300 of her principal subjects,
and at a given signal they were all put to the sword without there
being any crime adduced against them. "For some years," says
Robertson, "the gold brought into the royal treasury of Spain
amounted to about 460,000 -pesos- (2,400,000 livres of the currency
of Tours) an enormous sum if we take into consideration the great
increase in the value of money since the beginning of the sixteenth
century." In 1511 Diego Velasquez conquered Cuba with 300 men, and
here again were enacted the terrible scenes of bloodshed and pillage
which have rendered the Spanish name so sadly notorious. They cut
off the thumbs of the natives, put out their eyes, and poured
boiling oil or melted lead into their wounds, even when they did not
torture them by burning them over a slow fire to extract from them
the secret of the treasures of which they were believed to be the
possessors. It was only natural under these circumstances that the
population rapidly decreased, and the day was not far off when it
would be wholly exterminated. To understand fully the sufferings of
this race thus odiously persecuted, the touching and horrible
narrative of Las Casas must be read, himself the indefatigable
defender of the Indians.
[Illustration: Indians burnt alive. -From an old print-.]
In Cuba, the Cacique Hattuey was made prisoner and condemned to be
burnt. When he was tied to the stake, a Franciscan monk tried to
convert him, promising him that if he would only embrace the
Christian faith, he would be at once admitted to all the joys of
Paradise. "Are there any Spaniards in that land of happiness and joy
of which you speak?" asked Hattuey. "Yes," replied the monk, "but
only those who have been just and good in their lives." "The very
best among them can have neither justice nor mercy!" said the poor
cacique, "I do not wish to go to any place where I should meet a
single man of that accursed race."
Does not this fact suffice to paint the degree of exasperation to
which these unfortunate people had been driven? And these horrors
were repeated wherever the Spaniards set foot! We will throw a veil
over these atrocities practised by men who thought themselves
civilized, and who pretended that they wished to convert to
Christianity, the religion pre-eminently of love and mercy, a race
who were in reality less savage than themselves.
In 1504 and 1505 four vessels explored the Gulf of Urabia. This was
the first voyage in which Juan de la Cosa had the supreme command.
This seems, too, to have been about the date of Hojeda's third
voyage, when he went to the territory of Coquibacoa, a voyage that
certainly was made, as Humboldt says, but of which we have no clear
account.
In 1509 Juan Diaz de Solis, in concert with Vincent Yañez Pinzon,
discovered a vast province, since known by the name of Yucatan.
"Though this expedition was not a very remarkable one in itself,"
says Robertson, "it deserves to be noticed as it led to discoveries
of the utmost importance." For the same reason we must mention the
voyage of Diego d'Ocampo, who being charged to sail round Cuba, was
the first to ascertain the fact that it was a large island, Columbus
having always regarded it as part of the continent. Two years later
Juan Diaz de Solis and Vincent Pinzon sailing southwards towards the
equinoctial line, advanced as far as the 40 degrees of south
latitude, and found, to their surprise, that the continent extended
on their right hand even to this immense distance. They landed
several times, and took formal possession of the country, but could
not found any colonies there, on account of the small resources they
had at their command. The principal result of this voyage was the
more exact knowledge which it gave of the extent of this part of the
globe.
Alonzo de Hojeda, whose adventures we have narrated above, was the
first to think of founding a colony on the mainland; although he had
no means of his own, his courage and enterprising spirit soon gained
him associates, who furnished him with the funds needed for carrying
out his plans.
With the same object Diego de Nicuessa, a rich colonist of
Hispaniola, organized an expedition in 1509.
King Ferdinand, who was always lavish of encouragements which cost
little, gave both Hojeda and Nicuessa honourable titles and patents
of nobility, but not a single maravédis (a Spanish coin). He also
divided the newly-discovered continent into two governments, of
which one was to extend from Cape -La Vela- to the Gulf of Darien,
and the other from the Gulf of Darien to Cape -Gracias a Dios-. The
first was given to Hojeda, the second to Nicuessa. These two
"conquistadores" had to deal with a population far less easy to
manage than that of the Antilles. Determined to resist to the utmost
the invasion of their country, they adopted means of resistance
hitherto unknown to the Spaniards. Thus the strife became deadly. In
a single engagement seventy of Hojeda's companions fell under the
arrows of the savages, fearful weapons steeped in "curare," so fatal
a poison that the slightest wound was followed by death. Nicuessa on
his side, had much difficulty in defending himself, and in spite of
two considerable reinforcements from Cuba, the greater number of his
followers perished during the year from wounds, fatigue, privations,
or sickness. The survivors founded the small colony of Santa-Maria
el Antigua upon the Gulf of Darien, and placed it under the command
of Balboa.
Before we speak of Balboa's wonderful expedition, we must notice the
discovery of a country that forms the most northerly side of that
arc, cut so deeply into the continent, and which bears the name of
the Gulf of Mexico. In 1502 Juan Ponce de Leon, a member of one of
the oldest families in Spain, had arrived in Hispaniola with Ovando.
He had assisted in its subjugation, and in 1508 had conquered the
island of San Juan de Porto Rico. Having learnt from the Indians
that there existed a fountain in the island of Bimini which
possessed the miraculous power of restoring youth to all who drank
of its waters, Ponce de Leon resolved to go in search of it.
Infirmities must have been already creeping on him at fifty years of
age, or he would scarcely have felt the need of trying this fountain.
Ponce de Leon equipped three vessels at his own expense, and set out
from St. Germain in Porto Rico on the 1st of March, 1512. He went
first to the Lucayan Islands, which he searched in vain, and then to
the Bahamas. If he did not succeed in finding the fountain of youth
which he sought so credulously, at least he had the satisfaction of
discovering an apparently fertile tract of country, which he named
Florida, either from his landing there on Palm Sunday,
(Pâques-Fleuries), or perhaps from its delightful aspect. Such a
discovery would have contented many a traveller, but Ponce de Leon
went from one island to another, tasting the water of every stream
that he met with, without the satisfaction of seeing his white hair
again becoming black or his wrinkles disappearing. After spending
six months in this fruitless search, he was tired of playing the
dupe, so giving up the business he returned to Porto Rico on the 5th
of October, leaving Perez de Ortubia and the pilot Antonio de
Alaminos to continue the search. Père Charlevoix says, "He was the
object of great ridicule when he returned in much suffering, and
looking older than when he set out."
This voyage, so absurd in its motive but so fertile in its results,
might well be considered to be simply imaginary, were it not vouched
for by historians of such high repute as Peter Martyr, Oviedo,
Herrera, and Garcilasso de la Vega.
Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, who was fifteen years younger than Ponce de
Leon, had come to America with Bastidas and had settled in
Hispaniola. He was only anxious for a safe refuge from his numerous
creditors, being, as were so many of his fellow-countrymen, deeply
in debt, in spite of the -repartimiento- of Indians which had been
allotted to him. Unfortunately for Balboa a law had been passed
forbidding any vessels bound for the mainland taking insolvent
debtors on board, but his ingenuity was equal to this emergency, for
he had himself rolled in an empty barrel to the vessel which was to
carry Encisco to Darien. The chief of the expedition had no choice
but to receive the brave adventurer who had joined him in this
singular manner, and who never fled except from duns, as he soon
proved on landing. The Spaniards, accustomed to find but little
resistance from the natives of the Antilles, could not subjugate the
fierce inhabitants of the mainland. On account of the dissensions
that had arisen among themselves, they were obliged to take refuge
at Santa-Maria el Antigua, a settlement which Balboa, now elected
commandant in place of Encisco, founded in Darien.
If the personal bravery of Balboa, or the ferocity of Leoncillo his
blood-hound--who was more dreaded than twenty armed men and received
the same pay as a soldier,--could have awed the Indians, Balboa
would have also won their respect by his justice and comparative
moderation, for he allowed no unnecessary cruelty. In the course of
some years he collected a great mass of most useful information with
regard to that El Dorado, that land of gold, which he was destined
never to reach himself, but the acquisition of which he did much to
facilitate for his successors.
It was in this way that he learnt the existence six suns away (six
days' journey), of another sea, the Pacific Ocean, which washed the
shores of Peru, a country where gold was found in large quantities.
Balboa's character, which was as grand as those of Cortès and
Pizarro, but who had not, as they, the time or opportunity to show
the extraordinary qualities which he possessed, felt convinced that
this information was most valuable, and that if he could carry out
such a discovery, it would shed great lustre on his name.
He assembled a body of 190 volunteers, all valiant soldiers, and
like himself, accustomed to all the chances of war, as well as
acclimatised to the unhealthy effluvia of a marshy country, where
fever, dysentery, and complaints of the liver were constantly
present.
Though the Isthmus of Darien is only sixty miles in width, it is
divided into two parts by a chain of high mountains; at the foot of
these the alluvial soil is marvellously fertile, and the vegetation
far more luxuriant than any European can imagine. It consists of an
inextricable mass of tropical plants, creepers, and ferns, among
trees of gigantic size which completely hide the sun, a truly virgin
forest, interspersed here and there with patches of stagnant water,
where live multitudes of birds, insects, and animals, never
disturbed by the foot of man. A warm, moist atmosphere exists here
which exhausts the strength and speedily saps the energy of any man,
even the most robust.
With all these obstacles which Nature seemed to have rejoiced in
placing in Balboa's path, there was yet another no less formidable,
and this was the resistance which the savage inhabitants of this
inhospitable shore would offer to his progress. Balboa set out
without caring for the risk he ran in the event of the guides and
native auxiliaries proving faithless; he was escorted by a thousand
Indians as porters, and accompanied by a troop of those terrible
bloodhounds which had acquired the taste for human flesh in
Hispaniola.
Of the tribes that he met with on his route, some fled into the
mountains carrying their provisions with them, and others, taking
advantage of the difficulties the land presented, tried to fight.
Balboa marching in the midst of his men, never sparing himself,
sharing in their privations and rousing their courage, which would
have failed more than once, was able to inspire them with so much
enthusiasm for the object that was before them, that after
twenty-five days of marching and fighting, they could see from the
top of a mountain that vast Pacific Ocean, of which, four days later,
Balboa, his drawn sword in one hand and the banner of Castille in
the other, took possession in the name of the King of Spain. The
part of the Pacific Ocean which he had reached is situated to the
east of Panama, and still bears the name of the Gulf of San Miguel,
given to it by Balboa. The information he obtained from the
neighbouring caciques, whom he subjugated by force of arms, and from
whom he obtained a considerable booty, agreed in every particular
with what he had heard before he set out.
A vast empire lay to the south, they said, "so rich in gold, that
even the commonest instruments were made of it," where the domestic
animals were llamas that had been tamed and trained to carry heavy
burdens, and whose appearance in the native drawings resembled that
of the camel. These interesting details, and the great quantity of
pearls offered to Balboa, confirmed him in his idea, that he must
have reached the Asiatic countries described by Marco Polo, and that
he could not be far from the empire of Cipango or Japan, of which
the Venetian traveller had described the marvellous riches which
were perpetually dazzling the eyes of these avaricious adventurers.
[Illustration: Balboa discovering the Pacific Ocean.]
Balboa several times crossed the Isthmus of Darien, and always in
some fresh direction. Humboldt might well say that this country was
better known in the beginning of the sixteenth century than in his
own day. Beyond this Balboa had launched some vessels built under
his orders on the newly-discovered ocean, and he was preparing a
formidable armament, with which he hoped to conquer Peru, when he
was odiously and judicially murdered by the orders of Pedrarias
Davila, the governor of Darien, who was jealous of the reputation
Balboa had already gained, and of the glory which would doubtless
recompense his bravery if he carried out the expedition which he had
arranged. Thus the conquest of Peru was retarded by at least
twenty-five years, owing to the culpable jealousy of a man whose
name has acquired, by Balboa's assassination, almost as wretched a
celebrity as that of Erostratus.
If we owe to Balboa the first authentic documents regarding Peru,
another explorer was destined to furnish some not less important
touching that vast Mexican Empire, which had extended its sway over
almost the whole of Central America. In 1518, Juan de Grijalva had
been placed in command of a flotilla, consisting of four vessels,
armed by Diego Velasquez, the conqueror of Cuba, which were destined
to collect information upon Yucatan, sighted the year before by
Hernandez de Cordova. Grijalva, accompanied by the pilot Alaminos,
who had made the voyage to Florida with Ponce de Leon, had two
hundred men under his command; amongst the volunteers was Bernal
Diaz del Castillo, the clever author of a very interesting history
of the conquest of Mexico, from which we shall borrow freely.
After thirteen days' sailing, Grijalva reached the Island of Cozumel
on the coast of Yucatan, doubled the Cape of Cotoche, and entered
the Bay of Campeachy. He disembarked on the 10th of May at Potonchan,
of which the inhabitants defended the town and citadel vigorously,
in spite of their astonishment at the vessels, which they took for
some kind of marine monsters, and their fear of the pale-faced men
who hurled thunderbolts. Fifty-seven Spaniards were killed in the
engagement, and many were wounded. This warm reception did not
encourage Grijalva to make any long stay amongst this warlike people.
He set sail again after anchoring for four days, took a westerly
course along the coast of Mexico, and on the 19th of May entered a
river named by the natives the Tabasco, where he soon found himself
surrounded by a fleet of fifty native boats filled with warriors
ready for the conflict, but thanks to Grijalva's prudence and the
amicable demonstrations which he made, peace was not disturbed.
"We made them understand," writes Bernal Diaz, "that we were the
subjects of a powerful emperor called Don Carlos, and that it would
be greatly to their advantage if they also would acknowledge him as
their master. They replied that they had a sovereign already, and
were at a loss to understand why we, who had only just arrived, and
who knew so little of them, should offer them another king." This
reply was scarcely that of a savage!
In exchange for some worthless European trinkets, the Spaniards
obtained some Yucca bread, copal gum, pieces of gold worked into the
shape of fishes or birds, and garments made of cotton, which had
been woven in the country. As the natives who had been taken on
board at Cape Cotoche did not perfectly understand the language
spoken by the inhabitants of Tabasco, the stay here was but of short
duration, and the ships again put to sea. They passed the mouth of
the Rio Guatzacoalco, the snowy peaks of the San Martin mountains
being seen in the distance, and they anchored at the mouth of a
river which was called -Rio de las Banderas-, from the number of
white banners displayed by the natives to show their friendly
feeling towards the new comers.
When Grijalva landed, he was received with the same honour as the
Indians paid to their gods; they burnt copal incense before him, and
laid at his feet more than 1500 piastres' worth of small gold jewels,
as well as green pearls and copper hatchets. After taking formal
possession of the country, the Spaniards landed on an island called
-Los Sacrificios- Island, from a sort of altar which they found
there placed at the top of several steps, upon which lay the bodies
of five Indians sacrificed since the preceding evening; their bodies
were cut open, their hearts torn out, and both legs and arms cut off.
Leaving this revolting spectacle, they went to another small island,
which received the name of San Juan, being discovered on St. John's
Day; to this they added the word -Culua-, which they heard used by
the natives of these shores. But Culua was the ancient name for
Mexico, and this Island of San-Juan de Culua is now known as St.
John d'Ulloa.
Grijalva put all the gold which he had collected on board one of the
ships and despatched it to Cuba, while he continued his exploration
of the coast, discovered the Sierras of Tusta and Tuspa, and
collected a large amount of useful information regarding this
populous country; on arriving at the -Rio Panuco-, he was attacked
by a flotilla of native vessels, and had much difficulty in
defending himself against their attacks.
This expedition was nearly over, for provisions were running short,
and the vessels were in a very bad state, the volunteers were many
of them sick and wounded, and even had they been in good health
their numbers were too small to make it safe to leave them among
these warlike people, even under the shelter of fortifications.
Besides, the leaders of the expedition no longer acted in concert,
so after repairing the largest of the vessels in the Rio Tonala,
where Bernal Diaz boasts of having sown the first orange-pips which
were ever brought to Mexico, the Spaniards set out for Santiago in
Cuba, where they arrived on the 15th of November, after a cruise of
seven months, not forty-five days, as M. Ferdinand Denis asserts in
the Biographie Didot, and as M. Ed. Charton repeats in his
-Voyageurs Anciens et Modernes-.
The results obtained from this voyage were considerable. For the
first time the long line of coast which forms the peninsula of
Yucatan, the Bay of Campeachy, and the base of the Gulf of Mexico,
had been explored continuously from cape to cape. Not only had it
been proved beyond doubt that Yucatan was not an island as they had
believed, but much and reliable information had been collected with
regard to the existence of the rich and powerful empire of Mexico.
The explorers had been much struck with the marks of a more advanced
civilization than that existing in the Antilles, with the
superiority of the architecture, the skilful cultivation of the land,
the fine texture of the cotton garments, and the delicacy of finish
of the golden ornaments worn by the Indians. All this combined to
increase the thirst for riches among the Spaniards of Cuba, and to
urge them on like modern Argonauts to the conquest of this new
golden fleece. Grijalva was not destined to reap the fruits of his
perilous and at the same time intelligent voyage, which threw so new
a light on Indian civilization. The -sic vos, non vobis- of the poet
was once again to find an exemplification in this circumstance.
II.
THE CONQUERORS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
Ferdinand Cortès--His character--His appointment--Preparations for
the expedition, and attempts of Velasquez to stop it--Landing at
Vera-Cruz--Mexico and the Emperor Montezuma--The republic of
Tlascala--March upon Mexico--The Emperor is made prisoner--Narvaez
defeated--The -Noche Triste---Battle of Otumba--The second siege and
taking of Mexico--Expedition to Honduras--Voyage to Spain--
Expeditions on the Pacific Ocean--Second Voyage of Cortès to Spain--
His death.
Velasquez had not waited for Grijalva's return before sending off to
Spain the rich products of the countries discovered by the latter,
and at the same time soliciting from the council of the Indies, as
well as from the Bishop of Burgos, an addition to his authority,
that he might attempt the conquest of these countries. At the same
time he fitted out a new armament proportioned to the dangers and
importance of the undertaking that he proposed. But though it was
comparatively easy for Velasquez to collect the necessary material
and men, it was far more difficult for him--whom an old writer
describes as niggardly, credulous, and suspicious in disposition--to
choose a fit leader. He wished indeed, to find one who should
combine qualities nearly always incompatible, high courage and great
talent, without which there was no chance of success, with at the
same time sufficient docility and submissiveness, to do nothing
without orders, and to leave to him who incurred no risk, any glory
and success which might attend the enterprise. Some who were brave
and enterprising would not be treated as mere machines; others who
were more docile or more cunning lacked the qualities required to
insure the success of so vast an enterprise; among the former were
some of Grijalva's companions who wished that he should be made
commander, while the latter preferred Augustin Bermudez or
Bernardino Velasquez. While this was pending, the governor's
secretary, Andrès de Duero, and Amador de Larez, the Controller of
Cuba, both favourites of Velasquez, made an arrangement with a
Spanish nobleman named Ferdinand Cortès, that if they could obtain
the appointment for him, they should be allowed a share in his gains.
Bernal Diaz says, "They praised Cortès so highly, and pointed him
out in such flattering terms as the very man fitted to fill the
vacant post, adding that he was brave and certainly very faithful to
Velasquez (to whom he was son-in-law), that he allowed himself to be
persuaded, and Cortès was nominated captain-general. As Andrès de
Duero was the governor's secretary, he hastened to formulate the
powers in a deed, making them very ample, as Cortès desired, and
brought it to him duly signed." Had Velasquez been gifted with the
power of looking into the future, Cortès was certainly not the man
he would have chosen.
[Illustration: Ferdinand Cortès. -From an old print-.]
Cortès was born at Medellin in Estramadura in 1485, of an ancient,
but slenderly-endowed family; after studying at Salamanca for some
time, he returned to his native town, but the quiet monotonous life
there was little suited to his restless and capricious temper, and
he soon started for America, reckoning upon the protection of his
relation Ovando, the Governor of Hispaniola.
His expectations were fully realized, and he held several honourable
and lucrative posts, without counting that between times he joined
in several expeditions against the natives. If he became in this
manner initiated into the Indian system of tactics, so also,
unfortunately, did he grow familiar with those acts of cruelty which
have too often stained the Castilian name. He accompanied Diego de
Velasquez in his Cuban expedition in 1511, and here he distinguished
himself so highly, that notwithstanding certain disagreements with
his chief, a large grant of land as well as of Indians was made to
him as a recognition of his services.
Cortès amassed the sum of 3000 castellanos in the course of a few
years by his industry and frugality, a large sum for one in his
position, but his chief recommendations in the eyes of Andrès de
Duero and Amador de Sarès his two patrons, were his activity, his
well-known prudence, his decision of character, and the power of
gaining the confidence of all with whom he was brought into contact.
In addition to all this, he was of imposing stature and appearance,
very athletic, and possessed powers of endurance, remarkable even
among the hardy adventurers who were accustomed to brave all kinds
of hardships.
As soon as Cortès had received his commission, which he did with
every mark of respectful gratitude, he set up a banner at the door
of his house, made of black velvet embroidered in gold, bearing the
device of a red cross in the midst of blue and white flames, and
below, this motto in Latin, "Friends, let us follow the Cross, and
if we have faith, we shall overcome by this sign." He concentrated
the whole force of his powerful mind upon the means to make the
enterprise a success; even his most intimate friends were astonished
at his enthusiasm in preparing for it. He not only gave the whole of
the money which he possessed towards arming the fleet, but he
charged part on his estate, and borrowed considerable sums from his
friends to purchase vessels, provisions, munitions of war, and
horses. In a few days 300 volunteers had enrolled themselves,
attracted by the fame of the general, the daring nature of the
enterprise, and the profit that would probably accrue from it.
Velasquez, always suspicious, and doubtless instigated by some who
were jealous of Cortès, tried to put a stop to the expedition at its
outset. Cortès being warned by his two patrons that Velasquez would
probably try to take the command from him, acted with his customary
decision; he collected his men and, in spite of the vessels not
being completed and of an insufficient armament, he weighed anchor
and sailed during the night. When Velasquez discovered that his
plans had been check-mated he concealed his indignation, but at the
same time, he made every arrangement to stop the man who could thus
throw off all dependence upon him with such consummate coolness.
Cortès anchored at Macaca, to complete his stores, and found many of
those who had accompanied Grijalva now hasten to serve under his
banner: Pedro de Alvarado and his brothers, Christoval de Olid,
Alonzo de Avila, Hernandez de Puerto-Carrero, Gonzalo de Sandoval,
and Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who was to write a valuable account of
these events "-quorum pars magna fuit-." Trinity Harbour, on the
south coast of Cuba was the next resting-place, and here a further
supply of provisions was taken on board, but while Cortès lay at
anchor for this purpose, Verdugo the governor, received letters from
Velasquez, desiring him to arrest the captain-general, the command
of the fleet having been just taken from him. This bold step would
have endangered the safety of the town, so Verdugo refrained from
executing the order. Cortès sailed away to Havana in order to enlist
some new adherents, while his lieutenant Alvarado went over land to
the port where the last preparations were made. Although Velasquez
was unsuccessful in his first attempt, he again sent an order to
arrest Cortès, but Pedro Barba the governor, felt the impossibility
of executing the order in the midst of soldiers who, as Bernal Diaz
says, "would willingly have given their lives to save Cortès."
At length, having recalled the volunteers by beat of drum, and taken
on board all that appeared necessary, Cortès set sail on the 18th
February, 1519, with eleven ships (the largest being of 100 tons),
110 sailors, 553 soldiers,--13 of whom were arquebusiers,--200
Indians from the island, and some women for domestic work. The real
strength of the armament lay in the ten pieces of artillery, the
four falconets provided with an ample supply of ammunition, and the
sixteen horses which had been obtained at great expense. It was with
these almost miserable means, which, however, had given Cortès much
trouble to collect, that he prepared to wage war with a sovereign
whose dominions were of greater extent than those appertaining to
the King of Spain--an enterprise from which he would have turned
back if he had foreseen half its difficulties. But long ago a poet
said, "Fortune smiles on those who dare."
After encountering a very severe storm, the fleet touched at the
island of Cozumel, where they found that the inhabitants had
embraced Christianity, either from fear of the Spaniards, or from
finding the inability of their gods to help them. Just as the fleet
was about to leave the island, Cortès had the good fortune to meet
with a Spaniard named Jeronimo d'Aguilar, who had been kept a
prisoner by the Indians for eight years. During that time he had
learnt the Indian language perfectly; he was as prudent as he was
clever, and when he joined the expedition he was of the greatest use
as an interpreter.
After doubling Cape Catoche, Cortès sailed down the Bay of Campeachy,
passed Potonchan, and entered the Rio Tabasco, hoping to meet with
as friendly a reception there as Grijalva had done, and also to
collect an equally large quantity of gold; but he found a great
change had taken place in the feelings of the natives, and he was
obliged to employ force. In spite of the bravery and numerical
superiority of the Indians, the Spaniards overcame them in several
engagements, thanks to the terror caused by the reports of their
fire-arms and the sight of the cavalry, whom the Indians took for
supernatural beings. The Indians lost a large number of men in these
engagements, while among the Spaniards two were killed, and fourteen
men and several horses wounded; the wounds of the latter were
dressed with fat taken from the dead bodies of the Indians. At last
peace was made, and the natives gave Cortès provisions, some cotton
clothing, a small quantity of gold, and twenty female slaves, among
whom was the celebrated Marina, who rendered such signal services to
the Spaniards as an interpreter, and who is mentioned by all the
historians of the conquest of the New World.
[Illustration: Cortès receives provisions, clothing, a little gold,
and twenty female slaves.]
Cortès continued on a westerly course, seeking a suitable place for
landing, but he could find none until he reached St. John d'Ulloa.
The fleet had scarcely cast anchor before a canoe made its way
fearlessly to the admiral's vessel, and here Marina (who was of
Aztec origin) was of the greatest use, in telling Cortès that the
Indians of this part of the country were the subjects of a great
empire, and that their province was one recently added to it by
conquest. Their monarch, named Moctheuzoma, better known under the
name of Montezuma, lived in Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, nearly 210
miles away in the interior. Cortès offered the Indians some presents,
assuring them of his pacific intentions, and then disembarked upon
the torrid and unhealthy shore of Vera-Cruz. Provisions flowed in
immediately, but the day after the landing, Teutile, governor of the
province, and ambassador of Montezuma to the Spaniards, had much
difficulty in answering Cortès when he asked him to conduct him to
his master without delay, knowing as he did all the anxiety and
fears which had haunted the mind of the Emperor since the arrival of
the Spaniards. However, he caused some cotton stuffs, feather cloaks,
and some articles made of gold to be laid at the feet of the general,
a sight which simply excited the cupidity of the Europeans. To give
these poor Indians an adequate idea of his power, Cortès called out
his soldiers, and put them through their drill, he also ordered the
discharge of some pieces of artillery, the noise of which froze the
hearts of the savages with terror. During the whole time of the
interview, some painters had been employed in sketching upon pieces
of white cotton, the ships, the troops, and everything which had
struck their fancy. These drawings very cleverly executed, were to
be sent to Montezuma.
Before beginning the history of the heroic struggles which shortly
commenced, it will be useful to give some details as to that Mexican
empire which, powerful as it appeared, nevertheless contained within
itself numerous elements of decay and dissolution, which fact
explains the cause of its conquest by a mere handful of adventurers.
That part of America which was under the dominion of Montezuma was
called Anahuac and lay between 14 degrees and 20 degrees north
latitude. This region presents great varieties of climate on account
of its difference of altitude; towards the centre, and rather nearer
to the Pacific than to the Atlantic, there is a huge basin at an
elevation of 7500 feet above the sea, and about 200 miles in
circumference, in the hollow of which there were at that time
several lakes; this depression is called the valley of Mexico,
taking its name from the capital of the empire. As may be easily
supposed, we possess very few authentic details about a people whose
written annals were burnt by the ignorant "conquistadores" and by
fanatical monks, who jealously suppressed everything which might
remind the conquered race of their ancient religious and political
traditions.
Arriving from the north in the seventh century the Toltecs had
overspread the plateau of Anahuac. They were an intelligent race of
people, addicted to agriculture and the mechanical arts,
understanding the working in metals, and to whom is due the
construction of the greater part of the sumptuous and gigantic
edifices of which the ruins are found in every direction in New
Spain. After four centuries of power, the Toltecs disappeared from
the country as mysteriously as they had come. A century later they
were replaced by a savage tribe from the north-west, who were soon
followed by more civilized races, speaking apparently the Toltec
language. The most celebrated of these tribes were the Aztecs, and
the Alcolhuès or Tezcucans, who assimilated themselves easily with
the tincture of civilization which remained in the country with the
last of the Toltecs. The Aztecs, after a series of migrations and
wars, settled themselves in 1326 in the valley of Mexico, where they
built their capital Tenochtitlan. A treaty of alliance both
offensive and defensive was entered into between the states of
Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, and was rigorously observed for a
whole century; in consequence of this the Aztec civilization, which
had been at first bounded by the extent of the valley, spread on all
sides, and soon was limited only by the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.
In a short time these people had reached a higher degree of
civilization than any other tribe in the New World. The rights of
property were recognized in Mexico, commerce flourished there, and
three kinds of coin in circulation provided the ordinary mechanism
of exchange. There was a well-organized police, and a system of
relays which worked with perfect regularity, and enabled the
sovereign to transmit his orders with rapidity from one end of the
empire to the other. The number and beauty of the towns, the great
size of the palaces, temples, and fortresses indicated an advanced
civilization, which presented a singular contrast to the ferocious
manners of the Aztecs. Their polytheistic religion was in the
highest degree barbarous and sanguinary; the priests formed a very
numerous body, and exercised great influence even over political
affairs. Side by side with rites similar to those of Christians,
such as baptism and confession, the religion presented a tissue of
the most absurd and bloody superstitions. The offering up of human
sacrifices, adopted at the beginning of the 14th century, and used
at first very sparingly, had soon become so frequent, that the
number of victims immolated each year, and drawn chiefly from the
conquered nations, amounted to 20,000, while under certain
circumstances the number was much larger. Thus in 1486, at the
inauguration of the temple of Huitzilopchit, 70,000 captives
perished in a single day.
The Government of Mexico was monarchical; at first the imperial
power had been carefully limited, but it had increased with the
various conquests, and had become despotic. The sovereign was always
chosen out of the same family, and his accession was marked by the
offering up of numerous human sacrifices. The Emperor Montezuma
belonged to the sacerdotal caste, and in consequence his power
received some unwonted development. The result of his numerous wars
had been the extension of his frontiers, and the subjugation of
various nations; these latter welcomed the Spaniards with eagerness,
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