the Cape of Good Hope, when they again found themselves upon the
Atlantic Ocean. The breeze remaining favourable, helped forward the
return of the mariners, and at the end of twenty-seven days, they
had arrived in the neighbourhood of the Island of Santiago. On the
25th of April Nicholas Coelho, captain of the -Berrio-, eager to be
the first to carry to Emmanuel the news of the discovery of the
Indies, separated himself from his chief, and without touching, as
had been arranged, at the Cape de Verd Islands, made sail direct for
Portugal, arriving there on the 10th of July.
During this time the unfortunate Gama was plunged in the most
profound sorrow, for his brother, Paul da Gama, who had shared his
fatigues and sufferings, and who was to be a partaker of his glory,
seemed to be slowly dying. At Santiago, Vasco da Gama, now returned
to well known and much frequented seas, gave up the command of his
ships to Joao da Saa, and chartered a fast-sailing caravel, to
hasten as much as possible his beloved invalid's return to his
native country. But all hope was vain, and the caravel only arrived
at Terceira in time to inter there the body of the brave and
sympathizing Paul da Gama.
Upon his arrival in Portugal, which must have taken place during the
early part of September, the admiral was received with stately
festivals. Of the 160 Portuguese whom he had taken with him,
fifty-five only returned with him. The loss was great certainly, but
what was it compared with the great advantages to be hoped for? The
public realized this, and gave the most enthusiastic reception to
Gama. The King, Emmanuel II., added to his own titles that of Lord
of the conquests and of the navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia,
and the Indies; but he allowed two years to pass before rewarding
Gama. He then bestowed upon him the title of Admiral of the Indies,
and authorized him to use the prefix of -Dom- before his name, a
privilege then rarely granted. Also, doubtless to make Vasco da Gama
forget the tardiness with which his services had been rewarded, the
king gave him 1000 crowns, a considerable sum for that period, and
also conceded to him certain privileges in connexion with the
commerce of the Indies, which were likely speedily to make his
fortune.
II.
THE CONQUEST OF INDIA, AND OF THE SPICE COUNTRIES.
Alvarès Cabral--Discovery of Brazil--The coast of Africa--Arrival at
Calicut, Cochin, Cananore--Joao da Nova--Gama's second expedition--
The King of Cochin--The early life of Albuquerque--The taking of
Goa--The siege and capture of Malacca--Second expedition against
Ormuz--Ceylon--The Moluccas--Death of Albuquerque--Fate of the
Portuguese empire of the Indies.
On the 9th of March, 1500, a fleet of thirteen vessels left Rastello,
under the command of Pedro Alvarès Cabral; on board, as a volunteer,
was Luiz de Camoens, who in his poem the "Lusiad," was to render
illustrious the valour and adventurous spirit of his countrymen. But
little is known of Cabral, and nothing of the reason which had
gained him the command of this important expedition. Cabral belonged
to one of the most illustrious families in Portugal, and his father,
Fernando Cabral, lord of Zurara da Beira, was Alcalde mõr of
Belmonte. Pedro Alvarès Cabral had married Isabel de Castro, first
lady in waiting to the Infanta Dona Maria, daughter of John III. If
it be asked whether Cabral had made himself famous by some important
maritime discovery, we answer there is no reason to think so, for in
that case the historians would have recorded it. But it is difficult
to believe that he owed to court favour alone the command of an
expedition in which such men as Bartholomew Diaz, Nicholas Coelho
the companion of Gama, and Sancho de Thovar sailed under his orders.
Why had not this mission been confided to Gama, who had been at home
for six months, and whose knowledge of the countries to be visited
and of the manners of their inhabitants, seemed to point him out as
the fittest man for the service? Had he not yet recovered from the
fatigues of his first voyage? Or had his grief for the loss of a
brother who had died almost within sight of the coasts of Portugal
so deeply affected him, that he desired to remain in retirement? May
it not rather have been that King Emmanuel was jealous of the fame
of Gama, and did not wish to give him the opportunity of increasing
his renown? These are problems which perhaps history may be for ever
unable to solve.
It is easy to believe in the realization of those things which we
ardently desire. Emmanuel imagined that the Zamorin of Calicut would
not object to the establishment of Portuguese shops and factories in
his country, and Cabral, the bearer of presents of such magnificence
as to obliterate the memory of the shabbiness of those offered by
Gama, received orders to obtain from the Zamorin an interdict,
forbidding any Moor to carry on trade in his capital. The new
Capitam mõr was in the first place to visit Melinda, to offer rich
presents to its king, and to restore to him the Moor who had come to
Portugal with Gama. Sixteen friars were sent out on board the fleet,
charged to carry the knowledge of the Gospel to the distant
countries of Asia.
The fleet had sailed for thirteen days and had passed the Cape de
Verd Islands, when it was discovered that one of the ships, under
the command of Vasco d'Ataïde, was no longer in company. The rest of
the ships lay to for some time to await her, but in vain, and the
twelve vessels then continued their navigation upon the open sea,
and not, as had been the manner hitherto, steering simply from cape
to cape along the shores of Africa. Cabral hoped by this means to
avoid the calms in the Gulf of Guinea, which had proved so great a
cause of delay to the preceding expeditions. Perhaps even the
Capitam mõr, who must, in common with the rest of his countrymen,
have been acquainted with the discoveries of Christopher Columbus,
may have had the secret hope, by keeping to the west, of arriving at
some region unvisited by the great navigator.
The fact remains, whether it is to be accounted for by a storm or by
some secret design, that the fleet was out of the right way for
doubling the Cape of Good Hope when, on the 22nd of April, a high
mountain was seen, and soon afterwards a long stretch of coast,
which received the name of Vera Cruz, changed afterwards to that of
Santa Cruz. This was Brazil, and the point where now stands Porto
Seguro. On the 28th, after a skilful reconnaissance of the coasts
had been made by Coelho, the Portuguese sailors landed upon the
American shores, and became aware of a delicious mildness of
temperature, with a luxuriance of vegetation greatly exceeding
anything which they had seen on the coasts of Africa or of Malabar.
The natives formed themselves in groups around the sailors, without
showing the least sign of fear. They were almost naked, and bore
upon the wrist a tame parroquet, after the fashion in which the
gentlemen of Europe carry their hawks or their gerfalcons.
On Easter Sunday, the 26th of April, a solemn mass was celebrated on
the shore in sight of the Indians, whose silence and attitude of
respect excited the admiration of the Portuguese. On the 1st of May
a large cross and a padrao were erected on the shore, and Cabral
formally took possession of the country in the name of the King of
Portugal. His first care after this formality was accomplished was
to despatch Gaspard de Lemos to Lisbon, to announce the discovery of
this rich and fertile country. Lemos took with him the narrative of
the expedition written by Pedro Vaz de Caminha, and an important
astronomical document, the work of Master Joao, in which was
doubtless stated the exact situation of the new conquest. Before
setting out for Asia, Cabral put on land two criminals, whom he
ordered to ascertain the resources and riches of the country, as
well as the manners and customs of the inhabitants. These wise and
far-sighted measures speak much for Cabral's prudence and sagacity.
[Illustration: Cabral takes formal possession of Brazil.]
It was the 2nd of May when the fleet lost sight of Brazil. All on
board, rejoicing over this happy commencement of the voyage,
believed in the prospect of an easy and rapid success, when the
appearance of a brilliant comet on eight consecutive days struck the
ignorant and simple minds of the sailors with terror; they
considered it must be a bad omen, and for this once events appeared
to justify superstition. A fearful storm arose, waves mountains high
broke over the ships, whilst the wind blew furiously and rain fell
without ceasing. When the sun at length succeeded in piercing the
thick curtain of clouds which almost entirely intercepted his rays,
a horrible scene was disclosed. The water looked thick and black,
large patches of a livid white colour flecked the foaming, crested
waves, while during the night phosphorescent lights, streaking the
immense plain of water, marked out the course of the ships with a
train of fire. For two-and-twenty days, without truce or mercy, the
Portuguese ships were battered by the furious elements. The
terrified sailors were utterly prostrate; they vainly exhausted
their prayers and vows, and obeyed the orders of their officers only
from the force of habit; from the first day they had given up any
hope of their lives being spared, and only awaited the moment when
they should all be submerged. When light at length returned and the
billows became calm, each crew, thinking themselves to be perhaps
the sole survivors, looked eagerly over the sea in search of their
companions. Three ships met together again with a joy which the sad
reality soon abated. Eight vessels were missing; four had been
engulfed by a gigantic water-spout during the last days of the storm.
One of these had been commanded by Bartholomew Diaz, the discoverer
of the Cape of Good Hope: he had been drowned by these murderous
waves, the defenders, according to Camoens, of the empire of the
east against the nations of the west, who had for so many centuries
coveted her marvellous riches.
During this long series of storms the Cape had been doubled and the
fleet was approaching the coast of Africa. On the 20th of July
Mozambique was signalled. The Moors of this place showed a more
agreeable disposition than they had done when Gama was there, and
furnished the Portuguese with two pilots, who conducted them to
Quiloa, an island famed for the trade in gold-dust which was carried
on with Sofala. There Cabral found two of the missing ships, which
had been driven to this island by the wind. A plot was on foot in
Quiloa for a wholesale massacre of the Europeans, but this was
frustrated by a prompt departure from the island, and the ships
arrived at Melinda without any untoward incident. The stay of the
fleet in this port was the occasion of fêtes and rejoicings without
number, and soon, revictualled, repaired, and furnished with
excellent pilots, the Portuguese vessels sailed for Calicut, where
they arrived on the 13th of December, 1500.
[Illustration: View of Quiloa. -From an old print-.]
This time, thanks to the power of their arms as well as to the
richness of the presents offered to the Zamorin, the reception was
different, and the versatile prince agreed to all the demands of
Cabral: namely, a monopoly of the trade in aromatics and spicery,
and the right of seizure upon all vessels which should infringe this
privilege. For some time the Moors dissembled their resentment, but
when they had succeeded in thoroughly exasperating the population
against the foreigners, they rushed at a given signal into the
factory which was under the direction of Ayrès Correa, and massacred
fifty of the Portuguese, whom they surprised in it. Vengeance for
this outrage was not slow; ten boats moored in the port were taken,
pillaged, and burnt before the eyes of the Hindoos, who were
powerless to render opposition; afterwards the town was bombarded,
and was half-buried under its ruins.
When this affair was concluded, Cabral, continuing the exploration
of the Malabar coast, arrived at Cochin, where the Rajah, a vassal
of the Zamorin, hastened to conclude an alliance with the Portuguese,
eagerly seizing this opportunity to declare himself independent.
Although by this time his fleet was richly laden, Cabral made a
visit to Cananore, where he entered into a treaty with the Rajah of
the country; then, being impatient to return home, he set sail for
Europe. While coasting along that shore of Africa, which is washed
by the Indian Ocean, he discovered Sofala, a place which had escaped
the observation of Gama. On the 13th of July, 1501, Cabral arrived
at Lisbon, where he had the joy of finding the two remaining ships
which he had imagined to be lost.
It is pleasant to believe that he received the welcome merited by
the important results obtained in this memorable expedition.
Although contemporary historians are silent upon the incidents of
his life after his return, recent research has been rewarded by the
discovery of his tomb at Santarem, and M. Ferdinand Denis has
happily proved that, like Vasco da Gama, he received the title of
-Dom- as a reward for his glorious deeds.
Whilst he was returning to Europe Alvarès Cabral might have
encountered a fleet of four caravels under the command of Joao da
Nova, which King Emmanuel had despatched to give fresh vigour to the
commercial relations which Cabral had been charged to establish in
the Indies. This new expedition doubled the Cape of Good Hope
without misadventure, discovered between Mozambique and Quiloa an
unknown island, which was named after the commander of the fleet,
and arrived at Melinda, where Da Nova was informed of the events
which had taken place at Calicut. He felt that he had not forces at
his disposal sufficient to justify him in going to punish the
Zamorin, and not wishing to endanger the prestige of Portuguese arms
by the risk of a reverse, he steered for Cochin and Cananore, of
which the kings, although tributaries of the Zamorin, had entered
into alliance with Alvarès Cabral. Da Nova had already taken on
board 1000 hundredweights of pepper, 50 of ginger, and 450 of
cinnamon, when he received warning that a considerable fleet, coming
apparently from Calicut, was advancing with hostile intentions. If
he had hitherto been more concerned with trade than with war, he did
not the less in these critical circumstances display a bold and
courageous spirit worthy of his predecessors. He accepted the combat,
notwithstanding the apparent superiority of the Hindoos, and partly
by the skilful arrangements which he made, partly by the power of
his guns, he managed to disperse, to take, or to sink the hostile
vessels. Perhaps Da Nova ought to have profited by the terror which
his victory had spread along the coast, and the temporary exhaustion
of the Moorish resources, to strike a great blow by the taking of
Calicut. But we are too far removed in time from the events, and
know too little of their details, to appreciate with impartiality
the reasons which induced the admiral to return immediately to
Europe.
It was during this latter part of his voyage that Nova discovered
the small island of Saint Helena in the midst of the Atlantic. A
curious story attaches to this discovery. A certain Fernando Lopez
had followed Gama to the Indies; this man, wishing to marry a Hindoo,
was forced for this purpose to renounce Christianity and become a
Mahometan. Upon Nova's visit, having had enough either of his wife
or of her religion, he begged to be taken back to his country, and
returned to his old creed. Upon arriving at Saint Helena, Lopez, in
obedience to a sudden idea, which he regarded as an inspiration from
on high, requested to be landed there, in order, as he said, to
expiate his detestable apostasy and to atone for it by his devotion
to humanity. His will appeared so fixed that Da Nova was forced to
consent, and he left him there, having given him at his request
various seeds of fruits and vegetables. It must be added that this
singular hermit worked for four years at the clearing and planting
of the island with such success, that ships were soon able to call
there to revictual during their long passage from Europe to the Cape
of Good Hope.
The successive expeditious of Gama, Cabral, and Da Nova had
conclusively proved that an uninterrupted commerce must not be
reckoned upon, nor a continued exchange of merchandise, with the
population of the Malabar Coast, who, while their own independence
and liberty were respected had each time leagued together against
the Portuguese. That trade with Europeans which they so persistently
refused, must be forced upon them, and for that purpose permanent
military establishments must be formed, capable of overawing the
malcontents, and even in case of necessity of taking possession of
the country. But to whom should such an important mission be
entrusted? The choice could scarcely be doubtful, and Vasco da Gama
was unanimously chosen to take the command of the powerful armament
which was in preparation.
Vasco had ten ships under his own immediate command, while his
second brother Stephen da Gama, and his cousin Vincent Sodrez, had
each five ships under his orders, but they were both to recognise
Vasco da Gama as their chief. The ceremonies which preceded the
departure of the fleet from Lisbon were of a particularly grave and
solemn character. King Emmanuel, followed by the whole court,
repaired to the cathedral in the midst of an enormous crowd, and
there called down blessings from heaven upon this expedition, partly
religious, partly military, while the Archbishop blessed the banner
which was entrusted to Gama.
The admiral's first care was to visit Sofala and Mozambique, towns
of which he had had reason to complain in the course of his first
voyage. Being anxious to establish harbours for refuge, and
revictualling of ships, he established there merchants' offices, and
laid the foundations of forts. He also levied a heavy tribute upon
the Sheik of Quiloa, and then sailed for the coast of Hindostan.
When Gama had arrived off Calicut, he perceived on the 3rd of
October a vessel of large tonnage, which appeared to him to be
richly laden. It was the -Merii- bringing back from Mecca a great
number of pilgrims belonging to all the countries of Asia. Gama
attacked the ship without provocation, captured her and put to death
more than three hundred men who were on board. Twenty children alone
were saved and taken to Lisbon, where they were baptized, and
entered the army of Portugal. This frightful massacre, besides being
quite in accordance with the ideas of the period, was calculated
according to Gama, to strike terror into the Hindoo mind: it did
nothing of the sort. This hateful and useless cruelty has left a
stain of blood upon the hitherto pure fame of the admiral.
[Illustration: Map of the Coasts of Persia, Guzerat, and Malabar.]
As soon as he arrived at Cananore, Gama obtained an audience of the
Rajah, who authorized him to establish a counting-house, and to
build a fort. At the same time a treaty of alliance, offensive and
defensive was concluded. After setting the labourers to work, and
installing his agent, the admiral set sail for Calicut, where he
intended to summon the Zamorin to a reckoning for his disloyalty, as
well as for the murder of the Portuguese who had been surprised in
the factory. Although the Rajah of Calicut had been informed of the
arrival in the Indies of his formidable enemies, he had taken no
military precautions, and thus, when Gama presented himself before
the town, he was able to seize some vessels anchored in the port and
to make a hundred prisoners, without encountering any resistance;
afterwards he granted the Zamorin a respite of four days, in which
to make atonement to the Portuguese for the murder of Correa, and to
refund the value of the merchandise which had been stolen on that
occasion.
The time specified had scarcely elapsed when the bodies of fifty of
the prisoners were strung up at the yard-arms of the vessels, where
they remained exposed to the view of the town during the whole day.
In the evening the feet and hands of these expiatory victims were
cut off and taken on shore, with a letter from the admiral,
declaring that his vengeance would not be limited to this execution.
Accordingly, under cover of the night, the broadsides of the vessels
were brought to bear upon the town, which was bombarded for the
space of three days. It will never be known what was the exact
number of the slain, but it must have been considerable. Without
reckoning those killed by the fire of the cannon and the muskets, a
great number of Hindoos were buried beneath the ruins of the
buildings, or perished in the conflagration, which destroyed a
portion of the town of Calicut. The Rajah had been one of the first
to take flight, and fortunate was it for him that he had done so,
for his palace was amongst the buildings which were demolished. At
length, satisfied with having transformed this heretofore rich and
populous city into a heap of ruins, and considering his vengeance
satiated, and that the lesson so taught would be profitable, Gama
set sail for Cochin, leaving behind him Vincent Sodrez, with several
ships, to continue the blockade.
Triumpara, the sovereign of Cochin, informed the admiral that he had
been eagerly solicited by the Zamorin to take advantage of the
confidence reposed in him by the Portuguese, to surprise and seize
them, in consequence of which intelligence, and to reward the
integrity of the king whose loyalty had exposed him to the enmity of
the Rajah of Calicut, Gama, when starting for Lisbon with a valuable
cargo, left with Triumpara ships sufficient to enable him to await
in safety the arrival of another squadron. During Gama's return
voyage the only noteworthy incident that occurred was the defeat of
another Malabar fleet. The admiral arrived in Europe on the 20th of
December, 1503.
Once more the eminent services rendered by this great man went
unrecognised, or rather they were not appreciated as they deserved.
Gama, who had just laid the foundations of the colonial empire of
Portugal in India, remained for one and twenty years without
employment, and it was only through the intercession of the Duke of
Braganza, that he obtained the title of Count de Vidigueyra. A too
common instance this of ingratitude, but one which it is never -mal
à propos- to stigmatize as it deserves.
Scarcely had Gama set out for Europe, before the Zamorin at the
instigation of the Musselmen, who saw their commercial supremacy
more and more compromised, assembled his allies at Pani with the
object of attacking the King of Cochin and of punishing him for the
counsel and assistance which he had given to the Portuguese. The
unfortunate Rajah's fidelity was now put to a hard proof. Besieged
in his capital by a large force, he saw himself all at once deprived
of the aid of those for whose advantage he had incurred so great a
risk. Sodrez and several of his captains had deserted the post,
where both honour and gratitude required them to remain, and if need
were, to die in the discharge of their duty; they forsook Triumpara
to go and cruise in the neighbourhood of Ormuz, and at the entrance
to the Red Sea, where they calculated that the annual pilgrimage to
Mecca was likely to ensure them some rich booty. The Portuguese
agent vainly represented to them the unworthiness of their conduct,
they set out in haste, to escape from these inconvenient reproaches.
The King of Cochin, betrayed by some of the Nairs (military nobles)
of his palace, who had been gained over by the Zamorin, soon saw his
capital carried by assault, and was obliged to seek refuge upon an
inaccessible rock in the little Island of Viopia, with those
Portuguese who had remained faithful to him. When he was reduced to
the last extremity, an emissary was sent to him by the Zamorin, to
promise him pardon and oblivion of his offences if he would give up
to him the Portuguese. But Triumpara, whose fidelity cannot be
sufficiently commended, answered, "that the Zamorin might use his
rights of victory; that he was not ignorant of the perils by which
he was menaced, but that it was not in the power of any man to make
him a traitor and a perjurer." No one could have made a nobler
return than this for the desertion and cowardice of Sodrez.
Vincent Sodrez had arrived at the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, when a
fearful tempest occurred, in which his ship split upon the rocks,
and he and his brother perished. The survivors regarded this event
as a judgment of Providence for their bad conduct, and they made
haste, with all sails set to return to Cochin. They were detained by
contrary winds at the Laccadive Islands, and were there joined by
another Portuguese squadron under the command of Francisco
d'Albuquerque, who had sailed from Lisbon almost at the same time as
his cousin Alfonzo d'Albuquerque the most distinguished captain of
the period, who with the title of Capitam mõr had started from Belem
at the beginning of April, 1503.
The arrival of Francisco d'Albuquerque placed the Portuguese affairs,
which had been so gravely compromised by the criminal conduct of
Sodrez, upon a better footing, and at the same time effected the
rescue of Triumpara, their sole and faithful ally. The besiegers
fled at the sight of the Portuguese squadron, without even a show of
resistance, and the Europeans in conjunction with the troops of the
King of Cochin ravaged the Malabar Coast. As a consequence of these
events, Triumpara allowed his allies to construct a second fortress
in his dominions, and authorised an augmentation of the number and
importance of their mercantile houses. This was the moment that
witnessed the arrival of Alfonzo d'Albuquerque, the man destined to
be the real creator of the Portuguese Empire in the Indies. Diaz,
Cabral, and Gama, had prepared the way, but Albuquerque was the
leader of large views who was needed to determine which were the
principal towns that must be seized in order to place the Portuguese
dominion upon a solid and lasting basis. Thus every particular of
the history of this man who showed so great a genius for
colonisation, is of the deepest interest, and it is well worth while
to record some particulars of his family, his education, and his
early exploits.
Alfonzo d'Alboquerque or d'Albuquerque, was born in 1453 at Alhandra,
eighteen miles from Lisbon. Through his father Gonzalo d'Albuquerque,
the Lord of Villaverde, he was descended, but illegitimately, from
King Diniz; and through his mother from the Menezez, the great
explorers. Brought up at the court of Alphonzo V., he there received
as liberal and thorough an education as was possible at the period.
He made an especial study of the great writers of antiquity, whose
influence may be traced in the majesty and accuracy of his own style,
and of mathematics of which he knew as much as could be learnt at
that time. After staying for some years at Arzila, an African town
which was under the dominion of Alphonzo V., he returned to Portugal,
and was appointed Master of the Horse to John II., a prince whose
chief anxiety was to extend the name and power of Portugal beyond
the seas. It is evident that it was to the constant attendance upon
the king imposed upon him by the duties of his office, that
Albuquerque owed the inclination of his mind towards geographical
studies, and his anxious desire to find the means of giving to his
country the Empire of the Indies. He had already taken part in an
expedition sent to the succour of the King of Naples against an
incursion of the Turks, and in 1489, had been charged with the
commission of revictualling and defending the fortress of Graciosa,
upon the coast of Larache.
We must now return from this digression and take up the history of
Albuquerque, from the time of his arrival in India in 1503. It took
him but a few days to become thoroughly aware of the position of
affairs; he perceived that the commerce of Portugal must depend upon
conquest for its power of development. But his first enterprise was
proportioned to the feebleness of his resources; he laid siege to
Raphelim, which he wished to make a military station for his
countrymen, and then with two ships he undertook a reconnaissance of
the coast of Hindostan. Being attacked quite unexpectedly both by
land and sea, he was on the point of yielding when the fortunate
arrival of his cousin Francisco turned the combat, and put the
Zamorin's troops to flight. The importance of this victory was
considerable; the conquerors remained masters of an immense booty
and quantities of precious stones, which had the result of
stimulating the Portuguese spirit of covetousness; at the same time
it confirmed Albuquerque in his designs, for the execution of which
the consent of the king was needful, and also more considerable
resources. He therefore set out on his return to Lisbon, where he
arrived in July, 1504.
This same year, King Emmanuel wishing to organize a regular
government in the Indies, had made Tristan da Cunha his viceroy, but
Da Cunha having become temporarily blind was obliged to resign his
power before he had exercised it. The king's choice next fell upon
Francisco d'Almeida, who set out with his son in 1505. It will be
soon seen what were the means which he considered should be employed
to assure the triumph of his countrymen.
On the 6th of March, 1506, sixteen vessels left Lisbon under the
command of Tristan da Cunha, who had by that time regained his
health. With him went Alfonzo Albuquerque, carrying with him, but
unknown to himself, his patent of Viceroy of India. He was ordered
not to open the sealed packet until three years should have expired,
when Almeida would have completed the term of his mission.
This numerous fleet, after having stopped at the Cape de Verd
Islands and discovered Cape St. Augustine in Brazil, steered
directly for the unexplored parts of the South Atlantic, and went so
far south that the old chroniclers assert that several sailors being
too lightly clad died from cold, while the others were scarcely able
to work the ships. In 37 degrees 8 minutes south latitude, and 14
degrees 21 minutes west longitude, Da Cunha discovered three small
uninhabited islands, of which the largest still bears his name. A
storm prevented a landing there, and so completely dispersed the
fleet that the admiral could not get his vessels together again
before he arrived at Mozambique. In sailing along this African coast
he explored the island of Madagascar or Sam-Lorenzo, which had just
been discovered by Soarez, who was in command of eight vessels which
Almeida was sending back to Europe; it was not thought advisable to
make a settlement upon the island.
After having wintered at Mozambique, Da Cunha landed three
ambassadors at Melinda, who were to reach Abyssinia by travelling
overland, then he anchored at Brava, which Coutinho, one of his
lieutenants had been unable to subjugate. The Portuguese now laid
siege to this town, which resisted bravely but which yielded in the
end, thanks to the courage of the enemy and the perfection of their
arms. The population was massacred without mercy, and the town
pillaged and burnt. Upon Magadoxo, another town on the African Coast,
Cunha tried but in vain, to impose his authority. The strength of
the town and the stubborn resolution shown by the numerous
population as well as the approach of winter forced him to raise the
siege. He then turned his arms against Socotra, at the entrance of
the Gulf of Aden, where he carried the fortress. The whole of the
garrison were put to the sword, the only man spared being an old
blind soldier, who was discovered hidden in a well. When asked how
he had been able to get down there, he answered,--"The blind only
see the road which leads to liberty." At Socotra, the two Portuguese
chiefs constructed the fort of Çoco, intended by Albuquerque to
command the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, by the Strait of
Bab-el-Mandeb, thus cutting one of the lines of communication with
the Indies, which was the most used by the Venetians.
Here Da Cunha and Albuquerque separated, the former going to India
to obtain a cargo of spices, the latter officially invested with the
title of Capitam mõr, and bent on the realization of his vast
schemes, setting out on the 10th of August, 1507, for Ormuz, having
left his nephew Alfonzo da Noronha in charge of the new fortress. He
took in succession, and as if to get his hand in for the work,
Calayati, where were found immense stores, Curiaty and Mascati,
which he gave up to pillage, fire, and destruction, in order to
avenge a series of acts of treachery easily understood by those who
know the duplicity of these eastern people. The success which he had
just gained at Mascati, important as it was, did not content
Albuquerque. He dreamed of other and grander projects, of which the
execution was, however, much compromised by the jealousy of the
captains under his orders, and notably of Joao da Nova, who
contemplated abandoning his chief, and whom Albuquerque was obliged
to place under arrest on board his own ship. After having suppressed
these beginnings of disobedience and rebellion, the Capitam mõr
reached Orfacati, which was taken after a vigorous resistance.
It is a curious fact that Albuquerque had long heard Ormuz spoken of,
but that as yet he was ignorant of its position. He knew that this
town served as an entrepôt for all the merchandise passing from Asia
into Europe. Its riches and power, the number of its inhabitants and
the beauty of its monuments were at that time celebrated throughout
the East, so much so that there was a common saying, "If the world
be a ring, Ormuz is the precious stone set in it." Albuquerque had
resolved to take this town, not only because in itself it was a
prize worth having, but also because it commanded the whole of the
Persian Gulf, which was the second of the great commercial roads
between the East and West. Without saying anything to the captains
of his fleet, who, without doubt, would have rebelled at the idea of
attacking so strong a town, and the capital of a powerful empire,
Albuquerque gave orders to double Cape Mussendom, and the fleet soon
entered the Strait of Ormuz, the door of the Persian Gulf, from
whence was seen rising in all its magnificence a busy town built
upon a rocky island, provided with formidable artillery, and
protected by an army amounting to not less than from fifteen to
twenty thousand men, while its harbour enclosed a fleet more
numerous than could have been suspected at first sight. At this
sight the captains made urgent representations upon the danger that
Albuquerque would run in attacking so well-prepared a town, and made
the most of the plea how very bad an influence a reverse would
exercise. To this discourse Albuquerque answered, that indeed "it
was a very great affair, but that it was too late to draw back, and
that he had greater need of determination than of good advice."
[Illustration: Albuquerque before Ormuz.]
Scarcely was the anchor dropped before Albuquerque declared his
ultimatum. Although the forces under his orders were very
disproportionate in numbers, the Capitam mõr imperiously demanded
that Ormuz should recognize the suzerainty of the King of Portugal
and submit to his envoy, if it did not wish to share the same fate
as Mascati. The King, Seif-Ed-din, who was then reigning over Ormuz,
was still a child, and his Prime Minister, Kodja-Atar, a skilful and
cunning diplomatist, governed in the king's name. Without denying in
principle the pretensions of Albuquerque, the Prime Minister wished
to gain time, to allow contingents to arrive for the help of the
capital; but the admiral, who guessed his object, did not hesitate,
after waiting three days, to attack the formidable fleet at anchor
under the guns of Ormuz, with his five vessels and the -Flor de la
Mar-, the finest and largest ship of that time. The combat was
bloody and long undecided, but when they saw fortune was against
them the Moors, abandoning their vessels, endeavoured to swim on
shore. The Portuguese upon this jumped into their boats, pursuing
the Moors vigorously, and causing horrible carnage. Albuquerque next
directed his efforts against a large wooden jetty defended by
numerous guns and by archers, whose well-aimed arrows wounded a
number of the Portuguese and the general himself, who, however, was
not hindered thereby from landing and proceeding to burn the suburbs
of the town. Convinced that resistance would soon be impossible, and
that their capital was in danger of being destroyed, the Moors
hoisted a flag of truce, and signed a treaty, by which Seif-Ed-din
declared himself the vassal of King Emmanuel, promised to pay him an
annual tribute of 15,000 seraphins or xarafins, and gave to the
conquerors a site for a fortress, which, in spite of the repugnance
and reproaches of the Portuguese captains, was soon put into a
condition of resistance. Unfortunately some deserters quickly
brought these unworthy dissensions to the knowledge of Kodja-Atar,
who profited by them to avoid, under various pretexts, fulfilling
the execution of the articles of the new treaty. Some days
afterwards Joao da Nova and two other captains, jealous of the
successes of Albuquerque, and trampling in the dust every sentiment
of honour, discipline, and patriotism, left him to go to the Indies;
while Albuquerque was obliged by this cowardly desertion to withdraw
without being able even to guard the fortress which he had been at
so much pains to construct. He went to Socotra, where the garrison
was in need of help, and then returned to cruise before Ormuz, but
thinking himself too weak to undertake anything, he retired for a
time to Goa, arriving there at the end of the year 1508.
What had been occurring on the Malabar coast during this long and
adventurous campaign? The answer may be summed up in a few lines. It
will be remembered that Almeida had set out from Belem in 1505 with
a fleet of twenty-two sail, carrying soldiers to the number of 1500
men. First he seized Quiloa and then Mombaz, of which the "cavaliers,
as the inhabitants loved to repeat, did not yield as easily as the
chicken hearts of Quiloa." Out of the enormous booty, which by the
fall of this town fell into the hands of the Portuguese, Almeida
only took one arrow as his share of the spoil, thus giving a rare
example of disinterestedness. After having stopped at Melinda he
went on to Cochin, where he delivered to the Rajah the golden crown
sent to him by Emmanuel, whilst he himself, with the presumptuous
vanity of which he gave so many proofs, assumed the title of viceroy.
Then, after commencing a fortress at Sofala, destined to overawe the
Mussulmen of that coast, Almeida and his son, Lorenzo, scoured the
Indian Seas, destroying the Malabar fleets, capturing some trading
vessels, and causing great injury to the enemy, whose accustomed
commercial roads were thus intercepted. But for this cruising
warfare a numerous fleet of light vessels was needed, for there was
scarcely any other harbour of refuge except Cochin upon the Asiatic
coast. How preferable was Albuquerque's system of establishing
himself in the country in a permanent manner, by constructing
fortresses in all directions, by seizing upon the most powerful
cities, whence it was easy to branch off into the interior of the
country, by rendering himself master of the keys of the straits, and
thus ensuring with much less risk, and more solidity, the monopoly
of the Indian commerce.
Meantime the victories of Almeida, and the conquests of Albuquerque
had much disquieted the Sultan of Egypt. The abandonment of the
Alexandrian route caused a great diminution in the amount of imposts
and dues of customs, anchorage, and transit, which were laid upon
the merchandise of Asia as it passed through his states. Therefore,
with the help of the Venetians, who furnished him with the wood for
ship-building as well as with skilful sailors, he fitted out a
squadron of twelve large ships, which came as far as Cochin, seeking
the fleet of Lorenzo d'Almeida, and defeating it in a bloody combat
in which Lorenzo was killed. If the sorrow of the viceroy were great
at this sad news, at least he did not let it appear outwardly, but
set to work to make all preparations for taking prompt vengeance
upon the Roumis,--an appellation which shows the lasting terror
attaching to the name of the Romans, and commonly used at this time
upon the Malabar coast, for all Mussulman soldiers coming from
Byzantium. With nineteen sail Almeida appeared before the fort where
his son had been killed, and gained a great victory, but one sullied,
it must be confessed, by most frightful cruelties, so much so that
it soon became a common saying: "May the anger of the Franks fall
upon thee as it fell upon Daboul." Not content with this first
success, Almeida, some weeks later, annihilated the combined forces
of the Sultan of Egypt, and the Rajah of Calicut, before Diu. This
victory made a profound impression in India, and put an end to the
power of the -Mahumetists- of Egypt.
Joao da Nova and the other captains, who had abandoned Albuquerque
before Ormuz, had decided to rejoin Almeida; they had excused their
disobedience by calumnies, in consequence of which a judicial
process was about to be instituted against Albuquerque, when the
viceroy received the news of his being replaced in his office by
Albuquerque. At first Almeida declared that obedience must be
rendered to this sovereign decree, but afterwards influenced by the
traitors, who feared that they would be severely punished when the
power had passed into the hands of Albuquerque, he repaired to
Cochin in the month of March, 1509, with the fixed determination not
to give up the command to his successor. There were disagreeable and
painful disputes between these two great men, in which all the wrong
done was on the side of Almeida. Albuquerque was about to be sent to
Lisbon with chains on his feet, when a fleet of fifteen sail entered
the harbour, under the command of the grand Marshal of Portugal,
Ferdinand Coutinho. The latter took the part of the prisoner, whom
he immediately released, notifying again to Almeida the powers held
by Albuquerque from the king, and threatening him with the great
anger of Emmanuel if he refused to obey. Almeida could do nothing
but yield, and he then did it nobly. As for Joao da Nova, the author
of these sad misunderstandings, he died some time afterwards,
forsaken by everybody, and had scarcely any one to follow him to the
grave except the new viceroy, who thus generously forgot the
injuries done to Alfonzo Albuquerque.
Immediately after the departure of Almeida, the grand Marshal
Coutinho declared that, having come to India with the intention of
destroying Calicut, he intended to turn to account the absence of
the Zamorin from his capital. In vain the new viceroy endeavoured to
modify his zeal and induce him to take the wise measures recommended
by experience. Coutinho would listen to nothing, and Albuquerque was
obliged to follow him. Calicut, taken by surprise, was easily set on
fire; but the Portuguese, having lingered to pillage the Zamorin's
palace, were fiercely attacked in rear by the Nairs, who had
succeeded in rallying their troops. Coutinho, whose impetuous valour
led him into the greatest danger, was killed, and it required all
the skill and coolness of the viceroy to effect a re-embarkation of
the troops under the enemy's fire, and to preserve the soldiers of
the King of Portugal from total destruction.
On his return to Cintagara, a sea-port which was a dependency of the
King of Narsingue, with whom the Portuguese had been able to form an
alliance, Albuquerque learnt that Goa, the capital of a powerful
kingdom, was a prey to political and religious anarchy. Several
chiefs were contending there for power. One of them, Melek Çufergugi,
was just on the point of seizing the throne, and it was important to
profit by the circumstances of the moment, and attack the town
before he should have been able to gather a force capable of
resisting the Portuguese. The viceroy perceived all the importance
of this counsel. The situation of Goa, giving access as it did to
the kingdom of Narsingue and to the Deccan, had already struck him
forcibly. He did not delay, and soon the Portuguese reckoned one
conquest more. Goa the Golden, a cosmopolitan town, where were
mingled with all the various sects of Islam Parsees, the worshippers
of Fire, and even some Christians, submitted to Albuquerque, and
soon became, under a wise and strict government which understood how
to conciliate the sympathies of opposing sects, the capital, the
chief fortress, and the principal seat of trade of the Portuguese
empire of the Indies.
By degrees and with the course of years the knowledge of these rich
countries had increased. Much information had been gathered together
by all those who had ploughed these sunny seas in their gallant
vessels, and it was now known what was the centre of production of
those spices which people went so far to seek, and for whose
acquisition they encountered so many perils. It was already several
years since Almeida had founded the first Portuguese factories in
Ceylon, the ancient Taprobane. The Islands of Sunda, and the
Peninsula of Malacca, were now exciting the desires of King Emmanuel,
who had already been surnamed "the fortunate." He resolved to send a
fleet to explore them, for Albuquerque had enough to do in India to
restrain the trembling Rajahs, and the Mussulmen--Moors as they were
then called--who were always ready to shake off the yoke. This new
expedition was under the command of Diego Lopez Sequeira, and
according to the traditional policy of the Moors, was at first
amicably received at Malacca; but when the suspicions of Lopez
Sequeira had been lulled to sleep by reiterated protestations of
alliance, the whole population suddenly rose against him, and he was
forced to return on board, but not without leaving thirty of his
companions in the hands of the Malays. These events had already
happened some time when the news of the taking of Goa arrived at
Malacca. The -bendarra-, or Minister of Justice, who exercised regal
power in the name of his nephew who was still a child, fearing the
vengeance which the Portuguese would doubtless exact for his
treachery, resolved to pacify them. He went to visit his prisoners,
excused himself to them by swearing that all had been done unknown
to him and against his will, for he desired nothing so much as to
see the Portuguese establish themselves in Malacca; also he was
about to order the authors of the treason to be sought out and
punished. The prisoners naturally gave no credence to these lying
declarations, but profiting by the comparative liberty which was
henceforth granted to them, they cleverly succeeded in conveying to
Albuquerque some valuable information upon the position and strength
of the town.
Albuquerque with much trouble collected a fleet of nineteen men of
war, carrying fourteen hundred men, amongst whom there were only
eight hundred Portuguese. This being the case, ought he to venture
in obedience to the wish of King Emmanuel to steer for Aden, the key
of the Red Sea, which it was important to master in preparation for
opposing the passage of a new squadron, which the Sultan of Egypt
was intending to send to India? Albuquerque hesitated, when a change
in the trade-winds occurred which put an end to his irresolution. In
fact, it was impossible to reach Aden in the teeth of the prevailing
wind, while it was favourable for a descent upon Malacca. This town,
at that time in its full splendour, did not contain less than
100,000 inhabitants. If many of the houses were built of wood, and
roofed with the leaves of the palm-tree, yet they were equalled in
number by the more important buildings, such as mosques and towers
built of stone, which stretched out in a long panorama for the
distance of three miles. The ships of India, China, and of the Malay
kingdoms of the Sunda Islands, met in its harbour, where numerous
vessels coming from the Malabar coast, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea,
and the coast of Africa traded in merchandise of all kinds and of
every country.
When the Rajah of Malacca saw the Portuguese fleet arrive in his
waters, he felt that it was necessary to appear to give satisfaction
to the foreigners by sacrificing the minister who had excited their
anger and caused their arrival. His ambassador therefore came to the
viceroy to announce the death of the -bendarra-, and to find out
what were the intentions of the Portuguese. Albuquerque answered by
demanding the prisoners who had remained in the hands of the Rajah,
but the latter, desirous of gaining time to allow for the expected
change in the trade-wind,--a change which would force the Portuguese
to regain the Malabar coast, or else would oblige them to remain at
Malacca, where he hoped to be able to exterminate them,--invented a
thousand pretexts for delay, and in the meantime according to the
old narratives, he prepared a battery of 8000 cannon, and collected
troops to the number of 20,000. At length Albuquerque lost his
patience, and ordered some houses and several Gujerat vessels to be
set on fire, a beginning of execution which speedily brought about
the restoration of the prisoners; he then claimed 20,000 crusades as
indemnity for the damage caused to the fleet of Lopez Sequeira, and
finally he demanded to be allowed to build a fortress within the
town itself, which should also serve as a counting-house for the
merchants. This demand could not be complied with as Albuquerque
well knew; but upon the refusal he resolved to seize the town,
fixing upon St. James' day for the attack. The town was taken
quarter by quarter, house by house, after a truly heroic struggle
and a most vigorous defence, which lasted for nine whole days,
notwithstanding the employment of extraordinary devices, such as
elephants of war, poisoned sabres and arrows, barricades, and
skilfully concealed troops. An enormous booty was divided amongst
the soldiers, Albuquerque only reserving to himself six lions, of
gold according to some accounts, of iron according to others, which
he intended for the adornment of his tomb, to perpetuate the memory
of his victory.
The door which gave access to Oceania, and to Upper Asia, was
henceforth open. Many nations unknown till this time would now have
intercourse with Europeans. The strange manners and fabulous history
of many people were about to be disclosed to the astonished West. A
new era had commenced, and these great results were due to the
unbridled audacity, and indomitable courage of a nation whose
country was scarcely discernible upon the map of the world!
It was in part owing to the religious toleration which Albuquerque
displayed, a toleration which contrasts strangely with the cruel
fanaticism of the Spaniards, and in part to the skilful measures
which he took, that the prosperity of Malacca resisted the rude
shock which it had received. In the course of a few months no trace
remained of the trials which the town had experienced, except the
sight of the Portuguese banner floating proudly over this great city,
which had now become the head and vanguard of the colonial empire of
this people, small in numbers, but rendered great by their courage
and their spirit of enterprise.
Great and wonderful as this new conquest might be, it had not made
Albuquerque forget his former projects. If he had appeared to have
renounced them, it was only because circumstances had not hitherto
seemed favourable for their execution. With that tenacity of
determination which formed the basis of his character, while still
at the southern extremity of the empire which he was founding, his
thoughts were fixed upon the northern part of it, upon Ormuz, which
the jealousy and treachery of his subordinates had obliged him to
abandon at the beginning of his career, at the very moment when
success was about to crown his persevering efforts; it was Ormuz
which tempted him still.
[Illustration: The Island of Ormuz.]
The fame of his exploits and the terror inspired by his name had
decided Kodja-Atar to make some advances to Albuquerque, to ask for
a treaty, and to send the arrears of the tribute which had been
formerly imposed. Although the viceroy placed no belief on these
repeated declarations of friendship--on that Moorish faith which
deserves to be as notorious as Punic faith,--he nevertheless
welcomed them, whilst waiting for the power to establish his
dominion after a permanent manner in these countries. In 1513 or
1514--the exact date is not ascertained--when his fleet and soldiers
were set at liberty by the conquest of Malacca and the tranquillity
of his other possessions, Albuquerque set sail for the Persian Gulf.
Immediately upon his arrival, although a series of revolutions had
changed the government of Ormuz and the power was then in the hands
of a usurper named Rais-Nordim or Noureddin, Albuquerque demanded
that the fortress, which had been formerly begun, should be
immediately placed in his hands. After having had it repaired and
finished, he took part against the pretender Rais Named, in the
quarrel which was then dividing the town of Ormuz and preparing it
to fall under the dominion of Persia. He seized upon the town and
bestowed it upon the aspirant who had accepted his conditions
beforehand, and who appeared to Albuquerque to present the most
solid guarantees of submission and fidelity. Besides, it would not
be difficult in the future to make this certain, for Albuquerque
left in the new fortress a garrison perfectly able to bring
Rais-Nordim to repentance for the slightest attempt at revolt, or
the least desire of independence.
A well-known anecdote is related of this expedition to Ormuz, but
one which, even from its notoriety, we should be blamed for omitting.
When the King of Persia sent to Noureddin to demand the tribute
which the sovereigns of Ormuz had been in the habit of paying to him,
Albuquerque gave orders that a quantity of bullets, cannon-balls and
shells, should be brought from his ships, and showing them to the
ambassadors he told them that such was the coin in which the King of
Portugal was accustomed to pay tribute. It does not appear that the
Persian ambassadors repeated their demand.
[Illustration: Albuquerque had a quantity of bullets brought from
his vessels.]
With his usual wisdom, the viceroy did not wound the feelings of the
inhabitants, who speedily returned to the town. Far from squeezing
all he could from them, as his successors were destined soon to do,
he established an upright system of government which caused the
Portuguese name to be loved and respected.
At the same time that he was himself accomplishing these marvellous
labours, Albuquerque had desired some of his lieutenants to explore
the unknown regions to which access had been given by the taking of
Malacca. For this purpose he gave to Antonio and Francisco d'Abreu
the command of a small squadron carrying 220 men, with which they
explored the whole of the Sunda Archipelago, Sumatra, Java, Anjoam,
Simbala, Jolor, Galam, &c.; then being not far from the coast of
Australia they sailed back again to the north and arrived at the
Islands of Buro and Amboyna, which form part of the Molucca group.
After having made a voyage of more than 1500 miles amongst dangerous
archipelagos strewn with rocks and coral reefs, and amidst
populations often hostile, and after loading their ships there with
cloves, nutmegs, sandal-wood, mace, and pearls, they set sail for
Malacca in 1512. This time the veritable land of spices had been
reached, it now only remained to found establishments there and to
take possession of it definitely, which was not likely to be long
postponed.
It has been often remarked that the Tarpeian rock is not far from
the Capitol; of this Albuquerque was destined to make experience,
and his last days were to be saddened by unmerited disgrace, the
result of calumnies and lies, and of a skilfully woven plot, which,
although it succeeded in temporarily clouding his reputation with
King Emmanuel, has not availed to obscure the glory of this great
man in the eyes of posterity. Already there had been an effort made
to persuade the king that the taking possession of Goa had been a
grave error; its unhealthy climate must, it was said, decimate the
European population in a short time, but the king, with perfect
confidence in the experience and prudence of his lieutenant, had
refused to listen to his enemies, for which Albuquerque had publicly
thanked him, saying,--"I think more is owing to King Emmanuel for
having defended Goa against the Portuguese, than to myself for
having twice conquered it." But in 1514 Albuquerque had asked the
king to bestow upon him as a reward for his services the title of
Duke of Goa, and it was this imprudent step which gave an advantage
to his adversaries.
Soarez d'Albergavia and Diogo Mendez, whom Albuquerque had sent as
prisoners to Portugal after they had publicly declared themselves
his enemies, had succeeded not only in clearing themselves from the
accusation brought against them by the viceroy, but in persuading
Emmanuel that he wished to constitute an independent duchy of which
Goa should be the capital, and they ended by obtaining his disgrace.
The news of the appointment of Albergavia to the post of
Captain-General of Cochin, reached Albuquerque as he was issuing
from the Strait of Ormuz on his return to the Malabar coast, and at
a time when he was suffering much from disease. "He raised his hands
towards heaven," says M. F. Denis, in his excellent History of
Portugal, "and pronounced these few words: Behold I am in disgrace
with the king on account of my love to men, and with men on account
of my love to the king. Turn thee, old man, to the Church, and
prepare to die, for it behoves thine honour that thou shouldest die,
and never hast thou neglected to do aught which thine honour
demands." Whereupon, being arrived in the roadstead of Goa, Alfonzo
Albuquerque set in order the affairs of his conscience with the
Church, caused himself to be clad in the dress of the Order of St.
Iago of which he was a commander, and then "on Sunday the 16th of
December, an hour before daybreak, he rendered up his soul to God.
Thus ended all his labours, without their having ever brought him
any satisfaction."
Albuquerque was buried with great pomp. The soldiers who had been
the faithful companions of his wonderful adventures, and the
witnesses of his manifold tribulations, disputed amidst their tears
for the honour of carrying his remains to their last resting-place,
which their commander had himself chosen. The Hindoos in their grief
refused to believe that he was dead, declaring that he was gone to
command the armies of the sky. A letter of King Emmanuel has been
comparatively lately discovered which proves that, although he were
deceived for a time by the false reports of the enemies of
Albuquerque, he soon discovered his mistake, and rendered him full
and entire justice. Unfortunately this letter of reparation never
reached the unfortunate second Viceroy of the Indies; it would have
sweetened his last moments, whereas he had the pain of dying in the
belief that the sovereign for whose glory and the increase of whose
power he had consecrated his life, had in the end proved ungrateful
towards him. "With Albuquerque," says Michelet, "all humanity and
all justice disappeared from amongst the conquerors. Long years
after his death the Indians would repair to the tomb of the great
Albuquerque, to demand justice of him against the oppressions of his
successors."
Many causes may be adduced as bringing about the rapid decay and
dismemberment of that great colonial empire with which Albuquerque
had enriched his country, and which even amidst its ruins has left
ineffaceable traces upon India. With Michelet we may cite the
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