Chancellor, after having waited in vain for his two consorts at the
rendezvous which had been agreed upon in case of separation, thought
they must have outsailed him, and rounding the North Cape, he
entered a vast gulf which was none other than the White Sea; he then
landed at the mouth of the Dwina, near the monastery of St. Nicholas,
on the spot upon which the town of Archangel was soon to stand. The
inhabitants of these desolate places told him that the country was
under the dominion of the Grand Duke of Russia. Chancellor resolved
at once to go to Moscow, in spite of the enormous distance which
separated him from it. The Czar then on the throne was Ivan IV.
Wassiliewitch, called the Terrible. For some time before this, the
Russians had shaken off the Tartar yoke, and Ivan had united all the
petty rival principalities in one body politic, of which the power
was already becoming considerable. The situation of Russia,
exclusively continental, far from any frequented sea, isolated from
the rest of Europe, of which it did not yet form part, so much were
its habits and manners still Asiatic, promised success to Chancellor.
[Illustration: Chancellor received by the Czar.]
The Czar, who up to this time, had not been able to procure European
merchandise, except by way of Poland, and who wished to gain access
to the German seas, saw with pleasure the attempts of the English to
establish a trade which would be beneficial to both parties. He not
only received Chancellor courteously, but he made him most
advantageous offers, granted him great privileges and encouraged him,
by the kindness of his reception, to repeat his voyage. Chancellor
sold his merchandise to great advantage, and after taking on board
another cargo of furs, of seal and whale oils, copper, and other
products, returned to England, carrying a letter from the Czar. The
advantages which the Company of Merchant Adventurers had derived
from this first voyage, encouraged them to attempt a second. So
Chancellor the following year, made a fresh voyage to Archangel, and
took two of the Company's agents to Russia, who concluded an
advantageous treaty with the Czar. Then he set out again for England
with an ambassador and his suite, sent by Ivan to Great Britain. Of
the four vessels which composed the flotilla, one was lost on the
coast of Norway, another as it left Drontheim, and the -Bonaventure-,
on board of which were Chancellor and the ambassador, foundered in
the Bay of Pitsligo, on the east coast of Scotland on the 10th of
November, 1556. Chancellor was drowned in the wreck, being less
fortunate than the Muscovite ambassador, who had the good luck to
escape; but the presents and merchandise which he was carrying to
England were lost.
[Illustration: Wreck of the -Bonaventure-.]
Such was the commencement of the Anglo-Russian Company. A goodly
number of expeditions succeeded each other in those parts, but it
would be beside our purpose to give an account of them. Let us now
return to Cabot.
It was in 1554 that Queen Mary of England was married to Philip II.,
King of Spain. When the latter came to England he showed himself
very ill-disposed towards Cabot, who had abandoned the service of
Spain, and who, at this very moment was procuring for England a
commerce which would soon immensely increase the maritime power of
an already formidable country. Thus we are not surprised to learn
that eight days after the landing of the King of Spain, Cabot was
forced to resign his office and his pension, both of which had been
bestowed upon him for life by Edward VI. Worthington was nominated
in his place. Mr. Nicholls thinks that this dishonourable man, who
had had some quarrels with the law, had a secret mission to seize
among Cabot's plans, maps, instructions, and projects, those which
could be of use to Spain. The fact is that all these documents are
now lost, at least unless they may yet be discovered among the
archives of Simancas.
At the end of this period, history completely loses sight of the old
mariner. The same mystery which hangs over his birth, also envelopes
the place and date of his death. His immense discoveries, his
cosmographical works, his study of the variations of the magnetic
needle, his wisdom, his humane disposition, and his honourable
conduct, place Sebastian Cabot in the foremost rank among
discoverers. A figure lost in the shadow and vagueness of legends
until our own day, Cabot owes it to his biographers, to Biddle,
D'Avezac, and Nicholls, that he is now better known, more highly
appreciated, and for the first time really placed in the light.
II.
POLAR EXPEDITIONS.
John Verrazzano--Jacques Cartier and his three voyages to Canada--
The town of Hochelaga--Tobacco--The scurvy--Voyage of Roberval--
Martin Frobisher and his voyages--John Davis--Barentz and
Heemskerke--Spitzbergen--Winter season at Nova Zembla--Return to
Europe--Relics of the Expedition.
From 1492 to 1524, France had stood aloof, officially at least, from
enterprises of discovery and colonization. But Francis I. could not
look on quietly while the power of his rival Charles V. received a
large addition by the conquest of Mexico. He therefore ordered John
Verrazzano, a Venetian who was in his service, to make a voyage of
exploration. We will pause here for a short time, although the
various places may have already been visited on several occasions,
because for the first time the banner of France floats over the
shores of the New World. This exploration besides, was to prepare
the way for those of Jacques Cartier and of Champlain in Canada, as
well as for the unlucky experiments in colonization of Jean Ribaut,
and of Laudonnière, the sanguinary voyage of reprisals of Gourgues,
and Villegagnon's attempt at a settlement in Brazil.
We possess no biographical details with regard to Verrazzano. Under
what circumstances did he enter the service of France? What was his
title to the command of such an expedition? Nothing is known of the
Venetian traveller, for all we possess of his writings is the
Italian translation of his report to Francis I. published in the
collection of Ramusio. The French translation of this Italian
translation exists in an abridged form in Lescarbot's work on New
France and in the -Histoire des Voyages-. For our very rapid epitome
we shall make use of the Italian text of Ramusio, except in some
passages where Lescarbot's translation has appeared to give an idea
of the rich, original, and marvellously modulated language of the
sixteenth century.
[Illustration: Map of Newfoundland and of the Mouth of the St.
Lawrence.]
Having set out with four vessels to make discoveries in the ocean,
says Verrazzano in a letter written from Dieppe to Francis I. on the
8th July, 1524, he was forced by a storm to take refuge in Brittany
with two of his vessels, the -Dauphine- and the -Normande-, there to
repair damages. Thence he set sail for the coast of Spain, where he
seems to have given chase to some Spanish vessels. We see him leave
with the -Dauphine- alone on the 17th of January, 1524, a small
inhabited island in the neighbourhood of Madeira, and launch himself
upon the ocean with a crew of fifty men, well furnished with
provisions and ammunition for an eight months' voyage.
Twenty-five days later he has made 1500 miles to the west, when he
is assailed by a fearful storm; and twenty-five days afterwards,
that is to say on the 8th or 9th of March, having made about 1200
miles, he discovers land at 30 degrees north latitude, which he
thought had never been previously explored. "When we arrived, it
seemed to us to be very low, but on approaching within a quarter of
a league we saw by the great fires which were lighted along the
harbours and borders of the sea, that it was inhabited, and in
taking trouble to find a harbour in which to land and make
acquaintance with the country, we sailed more than 150 miles in vain,
so that seeing the coast trended ever southwards, we decided to turn
back again." The Frenchmen finding a favourable landing-place,
perceived a number of natives who came towards them, but who fled
away when they saw them land. Soon recalled by the friendly signs
and demonstrations of the French, they showed great surprise at
their clothes, their faces, and the whiteness of their skin. The
natives were entirely naked, except that the middle of the body was
covered with sable-skins, hung from a narrow girdle of prettily
woven grasses, and ornamented with tails of other animals, which
fell to their knees. Some wore crowns of birds' feathers. "They have
brown skins," says the narrative, "and are exactly like the
Saracens; their hair is black, not very long, and tied at the back
of the head in the form of a small tail. Their limbs are well
proportioned, they are of middle height, although a little taller
than ourselves, and have no other defect beyond their faces being
rather broad; they are not strong, but they are agile, and some of
the greatest and quickest runners in the world." It was impossible
for Verrazzano to collect any details about the manners and mode of
life of these people, on account of the short time that he remained
among them. The shore at this place was composed of fine sand
interspersed here and there with little sandy hillocks, behind which
were scattered "groves and very thick forests which were wonderfully
pleasant to look upon." There were in this country, as far as we
could judge, abundance of stags, fallow deer and hares, numerous
lakes, and streams of sparkling water, as well as a quantity of
birds.
This land lies at 34 degrees. It is therefore the part of the United
States which now goes by the name of Carolina. The air there is pure
and salubrious, the climate temperate, the sea is entirely without
rocks, and in spite of the want of harbours it is not unfavourable
for navigators.
During the whole month of March the French sailed along the coast,
which seemed to them to be inhabited by a numerous population. The
want of water forced them to land several times, and they perceived
that the savages were most pleased with mirrors, bells, knives, and
sheets of paper. One day they sent a long-boat ashore with
twenty-five men in it. A young sailor jumped into the water "because
he could not land on account of the waves and currents, in order to
give some small articles to these people, and having thrown them to
them from a distance because he was distrustful of the natives, he
was cast violently on shore by the waves. The Indians seeing him in
this condition, take him and carry him far away from the sea, to the
great dismay of the poor sailor, who expected they were about to
sacrifice him. Having placed him at the foot of a little hill, in
the full blaze of the sun, they stripped him quite naked and
wondered at the whiteness of his skin; then lighting a large fire
they made him come to it and recover his strength, and it was then
that the poor young man as well as those who were in the boat,
thought that the Indians were about to massacre and immolate him,
roasting his flesh in this large brazier and then eating their
victim, as do the cannibals. But it happened quite differently; for
having shown a desire to return to the boat they reconducted him to
the edge of the sea, and having kissed him very lovingly, they
retired to a hill to see him re-enter the boat."
Continuing to follow the shore northwards for more than 150 miles,
the Frenchmen reached a land which seemed to them more beautiful,
being covered with thick woods. Into these forests, twenty men
penetrated for more than six miles and only returned to the shore
from the fear of losing themselves. In this walk, having met two
women, one young and the other old, with some children, they seized
one of the latter who might be about eight years old, with the idea
of taking him away to France; but they could not do the same with
the young woman, who began to cry with all her might, calling for
aid from her compatriots, who were hidden in the wood. In this place
the savages were whiter than any of those hitherto met with; they
snared birds and used a bow of very hard wood, and arrows tipped
with fish-bones. Their canoes, twenty feet long and four feet wide,
were hollowed by fire out of a trunk of a tree. Wild vines abounded
and climbed over the trees in long festoons as they do in Lombardy.
With a little cultivation they would no doubt produce excellent
wine--"for the fruit is sweet and pleasant like ours, and we thought
that the natives were not insensible to it, for in all directions
where these vines grew, they had taken care to cut away the branches
of the surrounding trees so that the fruit might ripen." Wild roses,
lilies, violets, and all kinds of odoriferous plants and flowers,
new to the Europeans, carpeted the ground everywhere, and filled the
air with sweet perfumes.
[Illustration: Canadian Landscape.]
After remaining for three days in this enchanting place, the
Frenchmen continued to follow the coast northwards, sailing by day
and casting anchor at night. As the land trended towards the east,
they went 150 miles further in that direction, and discovered an
island of triangular shape about thirty miles distant from the
continent, similar in size to the Island of Rhodes, and upon which
they bestowed the name of the mother of Francis I., Louisa of Savoy.
Then they reached another island forty-five miles off, which
possessed a magnificent harbour and of which the inhabitants came in
crowds to visit the strange vessels. Two kings, especially, were of
fine stature and great beauty. They were dressed in deer-skins, with
the head bare, the hair carried back and tied in a tuft, and they
wore on the neck a large chain ornamented with coloured stones. This
was the most remarkable nation which they had until now met with.
"The women are graceful," says the narrative published by Ramusio.
"Some wore the skins of the lynx on their arms; their head was
ornamented with their plaited hair and long plaits hung down on both
sides of the chest; others had headdresses which recalled those of
the Egyptian and Syrian women; only the elderly women, and those who
were married, wore pendants in their ears of worked copper." This
land is situated on the same parallel as Rome, in 41 degrees 40
minutes, but its climate is much colder.
[Illustration: Two Canadian Kings.]
On the 5th of May, Verrazzano left this port and sailed along the
sea-shore for 450 miles. At last he reached a country of which the
inhabitants resembled but little any of those whom he had hitherto
met with. They were so wild that it was impossible to carry on any
trade with them, or any sustained intercourse. What they appeared to
esteem above everything else were fish-hooks, knives, and all
articles in metal, attaching no value to all the trifling baubles
which up to this time had served for barter. Twenty-five armed men
landed and advanced from four to six miles into the interior of the
country. They were received by the natives with flights of arrows,
after which the latter retired into the immense forests which
appeared to cover the whole country.
One hundred and fifty miles further on spreads out a vast
archipelago composed of thirty-two islands, all near the land,
separated by narrow canals, which reminded the Venetian navigator of
the archipelagos which in the Adriatic border the coasts of
Sclavonia and Dalmatia. At length, 450 miles further on, in latitude
50 degrees, the French came to lands which had been previously
discovered by the Bretons. Finding themselves then short of
provisions, and having reconnoitred the coast of America for a
distance of 2100 miles, they returned to France, and disembarked
safely at Dieppe in the month of July, 1524.
Some historians relate that Verrazzano was made prisoner by the
savages who inhabit the coast of Labrador, and was eaten by them. A
fact which is simply impossible, since he addressed from Dieppe to
Francis I. the account of his voyage which we have just abridged.
Besides, the Indians of these regions were not anthropophagi.
Certain authors, but we have not been able to discover on the
authority of what documents, nor under what circumstances this
happened, relate that Verrazzano having fallen into the power of the
Spaniards, had been taken to Spain and there hanged. It is wiser to
admit that we know nothing certain about Verrazzano, and that we are
totally ignorant what rewards his long voyage procured for him.
Perhaps when some learned man shall have looked through our archives
(of which the abstract and inventory are far from being finished),
he may recover some new documents; but for the present we must
confine ourselves to the narrative of Ramusio.
[Illustration: Jacques Cartier. -From an old print-.]
Ten years later a captain of St. Malo, named Jacques Cartier, born
on the 21st of December, 1484, conceived the project of establishing
a colony in the northern part of America. Being favourably received
by Admiral Philippe de Chabot, and by Francis I., who asked to see
the clause in Adam's will which disinherited him of the New World in
favour of the kings of Spain and Portugal, Cartier left St. Malo
with two vessels on the 20th of April, 1534. The vessel which
carried him weighed only sixty tons and carried a crew of sixty-one
men. At the end of only twenty days, so favourable was the voyage,
Cartier discovered Newfoundland at Cape Bonavista. He then went
northwards as far as Bird Island, which he found surrounded by ice,
all broken up and melting, but on which he was able, nevertheless,
to lay in a stock of five or six tons of guillemots, puffins, and
penguins, without reckoning those which were eaten fresh. He then
explored all the coast of the island, which at this time bore a
number of Breton names, thus proving the assiduous manner in which
the French frequented these shores. Then penetrating into the Strait
of Belle-Isle, which separates the continent from the Island of
Newfoundland, Cartier arrived at the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Along the
whole of this coast the harbours are excellent: "If the land only
corresponded to the goodness of the harbours," says the St. Malo
sailor, "it would be a great blessing; but one ought not to call it
-land-; it is rather pebbles and savage rocks and places fit for
wild beasts: as for all the land towards the north, I never saw as
much earth there as would fill a tumbrel." After having coasted
along the continent, Cartier was cast by a tempest upon the west
coast of Newfoundland, where he explored Cape Royal and Cape Milk,
the Columba Islands, Cape St. John, the Magdalen Islands, and the
Bay of Miramichi on the continent. In this place he had some
intercourse with the savages, who showed "a great and marvellous
eagerness in the acquisition of iron tools and other things, always
dancing and performing various ceremonies, among others throwing
sea-water on their heads with their hands; so well did they receive
us that they gave us all that they had, keeping back nothing." The
next day the number of the savages was even greater, and our French
sailors made an ample harvest of furs and skins of animals.
After having explored the Bay of Chaleurs, Cartier arrived at the
entrance of the estuary of the St. Lawrence, where he saw some
natives, who possessed neither the appearance nor the language of
the first. "The latter may truly be called savages, for no poorer
people can be found in the world, and I think that all put together,
excepting their boats and their nets, they could not have had the
value of two pence half-penny. They have the head entirely shaved,
with the exception of a lock of hair on the very top, which they
allow to grow as long as a horse's tail, and which they fasten upon
the head with some small copper needles. Their only dwelling is
underneath their boats, which they overturn and then stretch
themselves on the ground beneath them without any covering."
After having planted a large cross in this place, Jacques Cartier
obtained the chief's permission to take away with him two of his
children, whom he was to bring back again on his next voyage. Then
he set out again for France, and landed at St. Malo on the 5th of
September, 1534.
The following year, on the 19th of May, Cartier left St. Malo at the
head of a fleet composed of three vessels called the -Grande- and
the -Petite Hermine- and the -Emerillon- on board of which some
gentlemen of high rank had taken passages, among whom may be named
Charles de la Pommeraye, and Claude de Pont-Briant, son of the Sieur
de Moncevelles and cup-bearer to the Dauphin.
Very soon the squadron was dispersed by the storm, and could not be
brought together again until it reached Newfoundland. After having
landed at Bird Island, in Whitesand harbour, which is in Castle Bay,
Cartier penetrated into the Bay of St. Lawrence. He discovered there
the Island of Natiscotec which we call Anticosti, and entered a
great river called Hochelaga, which leads to Canada. On the banks of
this river lies the country called Saguenay, whence comes the red
copper, to which the two savages whom he had taken on his first
voyage gave the name of -caquetdazé-. But before entering the St.
Lawrence, Cartier wished to explore the whole gulf, to see if no
passage existed to the north. He afterwards returned to the Bay of
the Seven Islands, went up the river, and soon reached the river
Saguenay, which falls into the St. Lawrence on its northern bank. A
little further on, after passing by fourteen islands, he entered the
Canadian territories, which no traveller before him had ever visited.
"The next day the lord of Canada, called Donnacona, with twelve
boats and accompanied by sixteen men, approached the ships. When
abreast of the smallest of our vessels he began to make a palaver or
preachment in their fashion, while moving his body and limbs in a
marvellous manner, which is a sign of joy and confidence, and when
he arrived at the flag-ship where were the two Indians who had been
brought back from France, the said chief spoke to them and they to
him. And they began to relate to him what they had seen in France
and the good treatment which they had received, at which the said
chief was very joyful, and begged the captain to give him his arms
that he might kiss and embrace them, which is their mode of welcome
in this country. The country of Stadaconé, or St. Charles, is
fertile and full of very fine trees of the same nature and kind as
in France, such as oaks, elms, plum-trees, yews, cedars, vines,
hawthorns--which bear fruit as large as damsons--and other trees;
beneath them grows hemp as good as that of France." Cartier
succeeded afterwards in reaching with his boats and his galleon a
place which is the Richelieu of the present day, next, a great lake
formed by the river--St. Peter's Lake--and at last he arrived at
Hochelaga or Montreal, which is 630 miles from the mouth of the St.
Lawrence. In this place are "ploughed lands and large and beautiful
plains full of the corn of the country, which is like the millet of
Brazil, as large or larger than peas, on which they live as we do on
wheat. And among these plains is placed and seated the said town of
Hochelaga near to and joining on to some high ground which is around
the town; and which is well cultivated and quite small; from the top
of it one can see very far. We named this mountain the -Mount
Royal-."
The welcome given to Jacques Cartier could not have been more
cordial. The chief or Agouhanna, who was crippled in all his limbs,
begged the captain to touch them, as if he had asked him for a cure.
Then the blind, and those who were blind in one eye, the lame, and
the impotent came and sat down near Jacques Cartier, that he might
touch them, so thoroughly were they persuaded that he was a god
descended to heal them. "The said captain, seeing the faith and
piety of this people, recited the Gospel of St. John, namely: -In
principio-, making the sign of the cross over the poor sick people,
praying GOD that he would give them the knowledge of our holy faith
and grace to accept Christianity and baptism. Then the said captain
took a book of Hours and read aloud the Passion of our Saviour, so
well that all those present could hear it, all the poor people being
quite silent, looking up to heaven and using the same ceremonies as
they saw us use." After making themselves acquainted with the
country, which could be seen for ninety miles around from the top of
Mount Royal, and having collected some information about the
water-falls and rapids of the St. Lawrence, Jacques Cartier returned
towards Canada, where he did not delay to rejoin his ships. We owe
to him the first information on tobacco for smoking, which does not
seem to have been in use throughout the whole extent of the New
World. "They have a herb," he says, "of which they collect great
quantities during the summer for the winter; they esteem it highly,
and the men alone use it in the following manner: they dry it in the
sun and carry it on their necks in a small skin of an animal in the
shape of a bag, with a horn of stone or of wood, then constantly
they make the said herb into powder, and put it into one of the ends
of the said horn; they then place a live coal upon it and blow
through the other end, and so fill their body with smoke that it
issues from the mouth and nostrils, as if from the shaft of a
chimney. We have tried the said smoke, but after having put it into
our mouths, it seemed as if there were ground pepper in them, so hot
is it." In the month of December the inhabitants of Stadaconé were
attacked by an infectious disease which proved to be the scurvy.
"This malady spread so rapidly in our vessels that by the middle of
February out of our 110 men there were but ten in good health."
Neither prayers, nor orisons, nor vows to our Lady of Roquamadour
brought any relief. Twenty-five Frenchmen perished up to the 18th of
April, and there were not four amongst them who were not attacked by
the malady. But at this time a savage chief informed Jacques Cartier
that a decoction of the leaves and sap of a certain tree, probably
either the Canadian fir-tree or the barberry, was very salutary. As
soon as two or three had experienced its beneficial effects "there
was a crowding as if they would have killed each other to be the
first to get the medicine; and one of the tallest and largest trees
I ever saw was used in less than eight days, which had such an
effect that if all the doctors of Louvain and Montpellier had been
there with all the drugs of Alexandria, they had not done as much in
a year as the said tree accomplished in eight days."
Some time after, Cartier, having noticed that Donnacona was trying
to excite sedition against the French, caused him to be seized, as
well as nine other savages, that he might take them to France, where
they died. He set sail from the harbour of St. Croix on the 6th of
May, descended the St. Lawrence, and after a voyage which was not
marked by any incident, he landed at St. Malo on the 16th of July,
1536.
Francis I., in consequence of the report of this voyage which the St.
Malo captain made to him, resolved to take effective possession of
the country. After having appointed François de la Roque, Sieur de
Roberval, viceroy of Canada, he caused five vessels to be fitted out,
which being laden with provisions and ammunition for two years, were
to transport Roberval and a certain number of soldiers, artizans,
and gentlemen to the new colony, which they were about to establish.
The five vessels set sail on the 23rd of May, 1541. They met with
such contrary winds that it took them three months to reach
Newfoundland. Cartier did not arrive at the harbour of St. Croix
till the 23rd of August. As soon as he had landed his provisions, he
sent back two of his vessels to France with letters for the king,
telling him what had been done, also that the Sieur de Roberval had
not yet appeared, and that they did not know what had happened to
him. Then he had works commenced to clear the land, to build a fort,
and to lay the first foundations of the town of Quebec. He next set
out for Hochelaga, taking with him Martin de Paimpont and other
gentlemen, and went to examine the three waterfalls of Sainte Marie,
La Chine, and St. Louis; on his return to St. Croix, he found
Roberval had just arrived. Cartier returned to St. Malo in the month
of October, 1542, where, probably ten years later, he died. As to
the new colony, Roberval having perished in a second voyage, it
vegetated, and was nothing more than a factory until 1608, the date
of the foundation of Quebec by M. de Champlain, of whom we shall
relate the services and discoveries a little further on.
We have just seen how Cartier, who had set out first to seek for the
north-west passage, had been led to take possession of the country
and to lay the foundations of the colony of Canada. In England a
similar movement had begun, set on foot by the writings of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert and of Richard Wills. They ended by carrying public
opinion with them, and demonstrating that it was not more difficult
to find this passage than it had been to discover the Strait of
Magellan. One of the most ardent partizans of this search was a bold
sailor, called Martin Frobisher, who after having many times applied
to rich ship-owners, at last found in Ambrose Dudley, Earl of
Warwick, the favourite of Queen Elizabeth, a patron, whose pecuniary
help enabled him to equip a pinnace and two poor barks of from
twenty to twenty-five tons' burden. It was with means thus feeble,
that the intrepid navigator went to encounter the ice in localities
which had never been visited since the time of the Northmen. Setting
out from Deptford on the 8th of June, 1576, he sighted the south of
Greenland, which he took for the Frisland of Zeno. Soon stopped by
the ice, he was obliged to return to Labrador without being able to
land there, and he entered Hudson's Straits. After having coasted
along Savage and Resolution Islands, he entered a strait which has
received his name, but which is also called by some geographers,
Lunley's inlet. He landed at Cumberland, took possession of the
country in the name of Queen Elizabeth, and entered into some
relations with the natives. The cold increased rapidly, and he was
obliged to return to England. Frobisher only brought back some
rather vague scientific and geographical details about the countries
which he had visited; he received, however, a most flattering
welcome when he showed a heavy black stone in which a little gold
was found. At once all imaginations were on fire. Several lords and
the Queen herself contributed to the expense of a new armament,
consisting of a vessel of 200 tons, with a crew of 100 men, and two
smaller barks, which carried six months' provision both for war and
for nourishment. Frobisher had some experienced sailors--Fenton,
York, George Best, and C. Hall, under his command. On the 31st of
May, 1577, the expedition set sail, and soon sighted Greenland, of
which the mountains were covered with snow, and the shores defended
by a rampart of ice. The weather was bad. Exceedingly dense
fogs,--as thick as pease-soup, said the English sailors,--islands of
ice a mile and a half in circumferance, floating mountains which
were sunk seventy or eighty fathoms in the sea, such were the
obstacles which prevented Frobisher from reaching before the 9th of
August, the strait which he had discovered during his previous
campaign. The English took possession of the country, and pursued
both upon land and sea some poor Esquimaux, who, wounded "in this
encounter, jumped in despair from the top of the rocks into the
sea," says Forster in his -Voyages in the North-, "which would not
have happened if they had shown themselves more submissive, or if we
could have made them understand that we were not their enemies." A
great quantity of stones similar to that which had been brought to
England were soon discovered. They were of gold marcasite, and 200
tons of this substance was soon collected. In their delight, the
English sailors set up a memorial column on a peak to which they
gave the name of Warwick Mount, and performed solemn acts of
thanksgiving. Frobisher afterwards went ninety miles further on in
the same strait, as far as a small island, which received the name
of Smith's Island. There the English found two women, of whom they
took one with her child, but left the other on account of her
extreme ugliness. Suspecting, so much did superstition and ignorance
flourish at this time, that this woman had cloven feet, they made
her take the coverings off her feet, to satisfy themselves that they
really were made like their own. Frobisher, now perceiving that the
cold was increasing, and wishing to place the treasures which he
thought he had collected, in a place of safety, resolved to give up
for the present any farther search for the north-west passage. He
then set sail for England, where he arrived at the end of September,
after weathering a storm which dispersed his fleet. The man, woman,
and child who had been carried off were presented to the Queen. It
is said with regard to them, that the man, seeing at Bristol
Frobisher's trumpeter on horseback wished to imitate him, and
mounted with his face turned towards the tail of the animal. These
savages were the objects of much curiosity, and obtained permission
from the Queen to shoot all kinds of birds, even swans, on the
Thames, a thing which was forbidden to every one else under the most
severe penalties. They did not long survive, and died before the
child was fifteen months old.
People were not slow in discovering that the stones brought back by
Frobisher really contained gold. The nation, but above all the
higher classes, were immediately seized with a fever bordering on
delirium. They had found a Peru, an Eldorado. Queen Elizabeth, in
spite of her practical good sense, yielded to the current. She
resolved to build a fort in the newly discovered country, to which
she gave the name of -Meta incognita-, (unknown boundary) and to
leave there, with 100 men as garrison, under the command of Captains
Fenton, Best, and Philpot, three vessels which should take in a
cargo of the auriferous stones. These 100 men were carefully chosen;
there were bakers, carpenters, masons, gold-refiners, and others
belonging to all the various handicrafts. The fleet was composed of
fifteen vessels, which set sail from Harwich on the 31st of May,
1578. Twenty days later the western coasts of Frisland were
discovered. Whales played round the vessels in innumerable troops.
It is related even that one of the vessels propelled by a favourable
wind, struck against a whale with such force that the violence of
the shock stopped the ship at once, and that the whale after
uttering a loud cry, made a spring out of the water and then was
suddenly swallowed up. Two days later, the fleet met with a dead
whale which they thought must be the one struck by the -Salamander-.
When Frobisher came to the entrance of the strait which has received
his name, he found it blocked up with floating ice. "The barque
-Dennis-, 100 tons," says the old account of George Best, "received
such a shock from an iceberg that she sank in sight of the whole
fleet. Following upon this catastrophe, a sudden and horrible
tempest arose from the south-east, the vessels were surrounded on
all sides by the ice; they left much of it, between which they could
pass, behind them, and found still more before them through which it
was impossible for them to penetrate. Certain ships, either having
found a place less blocked with ice, or one where it was possible to
proceed, furled sails and drifted; of the others, several stopped
and cast their anchors upon a great island of ice. The latter were
so rapidly enclosed by an infinite number of islets of ice and
fragments of icebergs, that the English were obliged to resign
themselves and their ships to the mercy of the ice, and to protect
the ships with cables, cushions, mats, boards, and all kinds of
articles which were suspended to the sides, in order to defend them
from the fearful shocks and blows of the ice." Frobisher himself was
thrown out of his course. Finding the impossibility of rallying his
squadron, he sailed along the west coast of Greenland, as far as the
strait which was soon to be called Davis' Strait, and penetrated as
far as the Countess of Warwick Bay. When he had repaired his vessels
with the wood which was to have been used in the building of a
dwelling, he loaded the ships with 500 tons of stones similar to
those which he had already brought home. Judging the season to be
then too far advanced, and considering also that the provisions had
been either consumed, or lost in the -Dennis-, that the wood for
building had been used for repairing the vessels, and having lost 40
men, he set out on his return to England on the 31st of August.
Tempests and storms accompanied him to the shores of his own country.
As to the results of his expedition they were almost none as to
discoveries, and the stones, which he had put on board in the midst
of so many dangers, were valueless.
This was the last Arctic voyage in which Frobisher took part. In
1585 we meet with him again as vice-admiral, under Drake; in 1588 he
distinguished himself against the -Invincible Armada-; in 1590 he
was with Sir Walter Raleigh's fleet on the coast of Spain; finally
in a descent on the coast of France, he was so seriously wounded
that he had only time to bring his squadron back to Portsmouth
before he died. If Frobisher's voyages had only gain for their
motive, we must put this down not to the navigator himself, but to
the passions of the period, and it is not the less true that in
difficult circumstances, and with means the insufficiency of which
makes us smile, he gave proof of courage, talent, and perseverance.
To Frobisher is due, in one word, the glory of having shown the
route to his countrymen, and of having made the first discoveries in
the localities where the English name was destined to render itself
illustrious.
If it became necessary to abandon the hope of finding in these
circumpolar regions countries in which gold abounded as it did in
Peru, this was no ground for not continuing to seek there for a
passage to China; an opinion supported by very skilful sailors, and
one which found many adherents among the merchants of London. By the
aid of several high personages, two ships were equipped; the
-Sunshine-, of fifty tons' burden and carrying a crew of
twenty-three in number, and the -Moonshine-, of thirty-five tons.
They quitted Portsmouth on the 7th of June, 1585, under the command
of John Davis.
Davis discovered the entrance of the strait which received his name,
and was obliged to cross immense fields of drifting ice, after
having reassured his crew, who were frightened while in the midst of
a dense fog, by the dash of the icebergs, and the splitting of the
blocks of ice. On the 20th July, Davis discovered the Land of
Desolation, but without being able to disembark upon it. Nine days
later he entered Gilbert Bay, where he found a peaceable population,
who gave him sealskins and furs in exchange for some trifling
articles. These natives, some days afterwards, arrived in such
numbers, that there were not less than thirty-seven canoes around
Davis' vessels. In this place, the navigator perceived an enormous
quantity of drift wood, amongst which he mentions an entire tree,
which could not have been less than sixty feet in length. On the 6th
of August, he cast anchor in a fine bay called Tottness; near a
mountain of the colour of gold, which received the name of Raleigh,
at the same time, he gave the names of Dyer and Walsingham to two
capes of that land of Cumberland.
During eleven days, Davis still sailed northwards on a very open sea,
free from ice, and of which the water had the colour of the Ocean.
Already he believed himself at the entrance of the sea, which
communicated with the Pacific, when all at once the weather changed,
and became so foggy, that he was forced to return to Yarmouth, where
he landed on the 30th of September.
Davis had the skill to make the owners of his ships partake in the
hope which he had conceived. Thus on the 7th of May (1586), he set
out again with the two ships which had made the previous voyage. To
them were added the -Mermaid- of 120 tons, and the pinnace -North
Star-. When, on the 25th of June, he arrived at the southern point
of Greenland, Davis despatched the -Sunshine- and the -North Star-
towards the north, in order to search for a passage upon the eastern
coast, whilst he pursued the same route as in the preceding year,
and penetrated into the strait which bears his name as far as 69
degrees. But there was a much greater quantity of ice this year, and
on the 17th of July, the expedition fell in with an "icefield" of
such extent that it took thirteen days to coast along it. The wind
after passing over this icy plain was so cold, that the rigging and
sails were frozen, and the sailors refused to go any further. It was
needful, therefore, to descend again to the east-south-east. There
Davis explored the land of Cumberland, without finding the strait he
was seeking, and after a skirmish with the Esquimaux, in which three
of his men were killed, and two wounded, he set out on the 19th of
September, on his return to England.
Although once more his researches had not been crowned with success,
Davis still had good hope, as is witnessed by a letter, which he
wrote to the Company, in which he said that he had reduced the
existence of the passage to a species of certainty. Foreseeing,
however, that he would have more trouble in obtaining the despatch
of a new expedition, he added that the expenses of the enterprise
would be fully covered by the profit arising from the fishery of
walrus, seals, and whales, which were so numerous in those parts,
that they appeared to have there established their head-quarters. On
the 15th of May, 1587, he set sail with the -Sunshine-, the
-Elizabeth- of Dartmouth, and the -Helen- of London. This time he
went farther north than he had ever done before, and reached 72
degrees 12 minutes, that is to say, nearly the latitude of Upernavik,
and he descried Cape Henderson's Hope. Stopped by the ice, and
forced to retrace his way, he sailed in Frobisher's Strait, and
after having crossed a large gulf, he arrived, in 61 degrees 10
minutes latitude, in sight of a cape to which he gave the name of
Chudleigh. This cape is a part of the Labrador coast, and forms the
southern entrance to Hudson's Bay. After coasting along the American
shores as far as 52 degrees, Davis set out for England, which he
reached on the 15th of September.
Although the solution of the problem had not been found, yet
nevertheless, precious results had been obtained, but results to
which people at that period did not attach any great value. Nearly
the half of Baffin's Bay had been explored, and clear ideas had been
obtained of its shores, and of the people inhabiting them. These
were considerable acquisitions, from a geographical point of view,
but they were scarcely those which would greatly affect the
merchants of the city. In consequence, the attempts at finding a
north-west passage were abandoned by the English for a somewhat long
period.
A new nation was just come into existence. The Dutch--while scarcely
delivered from the Spanish yoke,--inaugurated that commercial policy,
which was destined to make the greatness and prosperity of their
country, by the successive despatch of several expeditions to seek
for a way to China by the north-east; the same project formerly
conceived by Sebastian Cabot, and which had given to England the
Russian trade. With their practical instinct, the Dutch had
acquainted themselves with English navigation. They had even
established factories at Kola, and at Archangel, but they wished to
proceed further in their search for new markets. The Sea of Kara
appearing to them too difficult, they resolved, acting on the advice
of the cosmographer Plancius, to try a new way by the north of Nova
Zembla. The merchants of Amsterdam applied therefore, to an
experienced sailor, William Barentz, born in the island of
Terschelling, near the Texel. This navigator set out from the Texel
in 1594, on board the -Mercure-, doubled the North Cape, saw the
island of Waigatz, and found himself, on the 4th of July, in sight
of the coast of Nova Zembla, in latitude 73 degrees 25 minutes. He
sailed along the coast, doubled Cape Nassau on the 10th of July, and
three days later he came in contact with the ice. Until the 3rd of
August, he attempted to open a passage through the pack, testing the
mass of ice on various sides, going up as far as the Orange Islands
at the north-western extremity of Nova Zembla, sailing over 1700
miles of ground, and putting his ship about no less than eighty-one
times. We do not imagine that any navigator had hitherto displayed
such perseverance. Let us add that he turned this long cruise to
account, to fix astronomically, and with remarkable accuracy, the
latitude of various points. At last, wearied with the fruitless
boxing about along the edge of the pack, the crew cried for mercy,
and it became necessary to return to the Texel.
The results obtained were judged so important, that the following
year, the Dutch States-General entrusted to Jacob van Heemskerke,
the command of a fleet of seven vessels, of which Barentz was named
chief pilot. After touching at various points upon the coasts of
Nova Zembla and of Asia, this squadron was forced by the pack to go
back without having made any important discovery, and it returned to
Holland on the 18th of September.
As a general rule governments do not possess as much perseverance as
do private individuals. The large fleet of the year 1595, had cost a
great sum of money, and had produced no results; this was sufficient
to discourage the States-General. The merchants of Amsterdam
therefore, substituting private enterprise for the action of the
government, which merely promised a reward to the man who should
first discover the north-east passage--fitted out two vessels, of
which the command was given to Heemskerke and to Jan Corneliszoon
Rijp, while Barentz, who had only the title of pilot, was virtually
the leader of the expedition. The historian of the voyage, Gerrit de
Veer, was also on board as second mate.
The Dutchmen sailed from Amsterdam on the 10th of May, 1596, passed
by the Shetland and Faröe Islands, and on the 5th of June, saw the
first masses of ice, "whereat we were much amazed, believing at
first that they were white swans." They soon arrived to the south of
Spitzbergen, at Bear Island, upon which they landed on the 11th of
June. They collected there a great number of sea-gulls' eggs, and
after much trouble killed at some distance inland a white bear,
destined to give its name to the land which Barentz had just
discovered. On the 19th of June, they disembarked upon some
far-spreading land, which they took to be a part of Greenland, and
to which on account of the sharp-pointed mountains, they gave the
name of Spitzbergen; of this they explored a considerable portion of
the western coast. Forced by the Polar pack to go southwards again
to Bear Island, they separated there from Rijp, who was once more to
endeavour to find a way by the north. On the 11th of July,
Heemskerke and Barentz were in the parts of Cape Kanin, and five
days later they had reached the western coast of Nova Zembla, which
was called Willoughby's Land. They then altered their course, and
again going northwards, they arrived on the 19th at the Island of
Crosses, where the ice which was still attached to the shore, barred
their passage. They remained in this place until the 4th of August,
and two days later they doubled Cape Nassau. After several changes
of course, which it would take too long to relate, they reached the
Orange Islands at the northern extremity of Nova Zembla. They began
to descend the eastern coast, but were soon obliged to enter a
harbour, where they found themselves completely blocked in by the
pack-ice, and in which "they were forced in great cold, poverty,
misery, and grief, to stay all the winter." This was on the 26th of
August. "On the 30th the masses of ice began to pile themselves one
upon another against the ship, with snow falling. The ship was
lifted up and surrounded in such a manner, that all that was about
her and around her began to crack and split. It seemed as if the
ship must break into a thousand pieces, a thing most terrible to see
and to hear, and fit to make one's hair stand on end. The ship was
afterwards in equal danger, when the ice formed beneath, raising her
and bearing her up as though she had been lifted by some
instrument." Soon the ship cracked to such a degree, that prudence
dictated the debarkation of some of the provisions, sails, gunpowder,
lead, the arquebuses as well as other arms, and the erection of a
tent or hut, in which the men might be sheltered from the snow and
from any attacks by bears. Some days later, some sailors who had
advanced from four to six miles inland, found near a river of fresh
water, a quantity of drift-wood; they discovered there also the
traces of wild goats and of reindeer. On the 11th of September,
seeing that the bay was filled with enormous blocks of ice piled one
upon the other, and welded together, the Dutchmen perceived that
they would be obliged to winter in this place, and resolved, "in
order to be better defended against the cold, and armed against the
wild beasts," to build a house there, which might be able to contain
them all, while they would leave to itself the ship, which became
each day less safe and comfortable. Fortunately, they found upon the
shore whole trees, coming doubtless from Siberia, and driven here by
the current, and in such quantity that they sufficed not only for
the construction of their habitation, but also for firewood
throughout the winter.
[Illustration: Barentz's Ship. -From an old print-.]
Never yet had any European wintered in these regions, in the midst
of that slothful and immovable sea, which according to the very
false expressions used by Tacitus, forms the girdle of the world,
and in which is heard the uproar caused by the rising of the sun.
The Dutchmen, therefore, were unable to picture to themselves the
sufferings which threatened them. They bore them, however, with
admirable patience, without a single murmur, and without the least
want of discipline or attempt at mutiny. The conduct of these brave
seamen, quite ignorant of what so apparently dark a future might
have in reserve for them, but who with wonderful faith had "placed
their affairs in the hands of God," may be always proposed as an
example even to the sailors of the present day. It may well be said
that they had really in their heart the -æs triplex- of which Horace
speaks. It was owing to the skill, knowledge, and foresight of their
leader Barentz, as much as to their own spirit of obedience, that
the Dutch sailors ever came forth from Nova Zembla, which threatened
to be their tomb, and again saw the shores of their own country.
[Illustration: Interior view of the house. -From an old print-.]
The bears, which were extremely numerous at that period of the year,
made frequent visits to the crew. More than one was killed, but the
Dutchmen contented themselves with skinning them for the sake of
their fur, and did not eat them, probably because they believed the
flesh to be unwholesome. It would have been, however, a considerable
addition to their food, and would have saved them from using their
salted meat, and thus they might longer have escaped the attacks of
scurvy. But that we may not anticipate, let us continue to follow
the journal of Gerrit de Veer.
On the 23rd September, the carpenter died, and was interred the next
day in the cleft of a mountain, it being impossible to put a spade
into the ground, on account of the severity of the frost. The
following days were devoted to the transport of driftwood and the
building of the house. To cover it in, it was necessary to demolish
the fore and aft cabins of the ship; the roof was put on, on the 2nd
October, and a piece of frozen snow was set up like a May pole. On
the 31st September, there was a strong wind from the north-west, and
as far as the eye could reach, the sea was entirely open and without
ice. "But we remained as though taken and arrested in the ice, and
the ship was raised full two or three feet upon the ice, and we
could imagine nothing else but that the water must be frozen quite
to the bottom, although it was three fathoms and a half in depth."
On the 12th October, they began to sleep in the house, although it
was not completed. On the 21st, the greater part of the provisions,
furniture, and everything which might be wanted was withdrawn from
the ship, for they felt certain that the sun was about to disappear.
A chimney was fixed in the centre of the roof, inside a Dutch clock
was hung up, bed-places were formed along the walls, and a wine-cask
was converted into a bath, for the surgeon had wisely prescribed to
the men frequent bathing as a preservative of health. The quantity
of snow which fell during this winter, was really marvellous. The
house disappeared entirely beneath this thick covering, which,
however, sensibly raised the temperature within. Every time that
they wished to go forth, the Dutchmen were obliged to hollow out a
long corridor beneath the snow. Each night they first heard the
bears, and then the foxes, which walked upon the top of the dwelling,
and tried to tear off some planks from the roof, that they might get
into the house. So the sailors were accustomed to climb into the
chimney, whence, as from a watch-tower they could shoot the animals
and drive them off. They had manufactured a great number of snares,
into which fell numbers of blue foxes, the valuable fur of which
served as a protection against cold, while their flesh enabled the
sailors to economize their provisions. Always cheerful and good
tempered, they bore equally well the ennui of the long polar night,
and the severity of the cold, which was so extreme, that during two
of three days, when they had not been able to keep so large a fire
as usual, on account of the smoke being driven back again by the
wind, it froze so hard in the house, that the walls and the floor
were covered with ice to the depth of two fingers, even in the cots
where these poor people were sleeping. It was necessary to thaw the
sherry, when it was served out, as was done every two days, at the
rate of half a pint.
"On the 7th of December, the rough weather continued, with a violent
storm coming from the north-east, which produced horrible cold. We
knew no means of guarding ourselves against it, and while we were
consulting together, what we could do for the best, one of our men
in this extreme necessity proposed to make use of the coal which we
had brought from the ship into our house, and to make a fire of it,
because it burns with great heat and lasts a long time. In the
evening we lighted a large fire of this coal, which threw out a
great heat, but we did not provide against what might happen, for as
the heat revived us completely, we tried to retain it for a long
time. To this end we thought it well to stop up all the doors and
the chimney, to keep in the delightful warmth. And thus, each went
to repose in his cot, and animated by the acquired warmth, we
discoursed long together. But in the end, we were seized with a
giddiness in the head, some however, more than others; this was
first perceived to be the case with one of our men who was ill, and
who for this reason, had less power of resistance. And we also
ourselves were sensible of a great pain which attacked us, so that
several of the bravest came out of their cots and began by
unstopping the chimney, and afterwards opening the door. But the man
who opened the door fainted, and fell senseless upon the snow, on
perceiving which, I ran to him and found him lying on the ground in
a fainting fit. I went in haste to seek for some vinegar, and with
it I rubbed his face until he recovered from his swoon. Afterwards,
when we were somewhat restored, the captain gave to each a little
wine, in order to comfort our hearts...."
"On the 11th, the weather continued fine, but so extremely cold,
that no one who had not felt it could imagine it; even our shoes,
frozen to our feet, were as hard as horn, and inside they were
covered with ice in such a manner that we could no longer use them.
The garments which we wore were quite white with frost and ice."
On Christmas Day, the 25th December, the weather was as rough as on
the preceding days. The foxes made havoc upon the house, which one
of the sailors declared to be a bad omen, and upon being asked why
he said so, answered, "Because we cannot put them in a pot, or on
the spit, which would have been a good omen."
If the year 1596, had closed with excessive cold, the commencement
of 1597 was not more agreeable. Most violent storms of snow, and
hard frost prevented the Dutchmen from leaving the house. They
celebrated Twelfth Night with gaiety, as is related in the simple
and touching narrative of Gerrit de Veer. "For this purpose, we
besought the captain to allow us a little diversion in the midst of
our sufferings, and to let us use a part of the wine which was
destined to be served out to us every other day. Having two pounds
of flour we made some pancakes with oil, and each one brought a
white biscuit, which we soaked in the wine and eat. And it seemed to
us that we were in our own country, and amongst our relations and
friends; and we were as much diverted as if a banquet had been given
in our honour, so much did we relish our entertainment. We also made
a Twelfth-Night king, by means of paper, and our master gunner was
king of Nova Zembla, which is a country enclosed between two seas,
and of the great length of six hundred miles."
After the 21st January, the foxes became less numerous, the bears
reappeared, and daylight began to increase, which enabled the
Dutchmen, who had been so long confined to the house, to go out a
little. On the 24th, one of the sailors, who had been long ill, died,
and was buried in the snow at some distance from the house. On the
28th, the weather being very fine, the men all went out, walking
about, running for exercise, and playing at bowls, to take off the
stiffness of their limbs, for they were extremely weak, and nearly
all suffering from scurvy. They were so much enfeebled that they
were obliged to go to work several times before they could carry to
their house the wood which was needful. At length in the first days
of March, after several tempests and driving snowstorms, they were
able to verify the fact that there was no ice in the sea.
Nevertheless, the weather was still rough and the cold glacial. It
was not feasible as yet to put to sea again, the rather because the
ship was still embedded in the ice. On the 15th of April, the
sailors paid a visit to her and found her in fairly good condition.
[Illustration: Exterior view of the house. -From an old print-.]
At the beginning of May the men became somewhat impatient, and asked
Barentz if he were not soon intending to make the necessary
preparations for departure. But Barentz answered that he must wait
until the end of the month, and then, if it should be impossible to
set the ship free, he would take measures to prepare the long-boats
and the launch, and to render them fit for a sea voyage. On the 20th
of the month the preparations for departure commenced; with what joy
and ardour it is easy to imagine. The launch was repaired, the sails
were mended, and both boats were dragged to the sea, and provisions
put on board. Then, seeing that the water was free, and that a
strong wind was blowing, Heemskerke went to seek Barentz, who had
been long ill, and declared to him "that it seemed good to him to
set out from thence, and in God's name to commence the voyage and
abandon Nova Zembla."
"William Barentz had before this written a paper setting forth how
we had started from Holland to go towards the kingdom of China, and
all that had happened, in order that, if by chance, some one should
come after us, it might be known what had befallen us. This note he
enclosed in the case of a musket which he hung up in the chimney."
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