distance from the coast, to which he gave the name of Gorgona. There
the Spaniards lived miserably on mangles, fish, and shell-fish, and
awaited for five months the succour that Almagro and De Luque were
to send them. At length, vanquished by the unanimous protestations
of the whole colony,--who were indignant that people whose only
crime was that they had not despaired of success, should be left to
perish miserably and as though they were malefactors,--Los Rios sent
to Pizarro a small vessel to bring him back. With the object of
presenting no temptation to Pizarro to make use of this ship to
renew his expedition, not a single soldier was placed on board of
her. At the sight of the help which had arrived, and oblivious of
all their privations, the thirteen adventurers thought of nothing
but persuading the sailors who came to seek them to participate in
their own hopes. Whereupon, instead of starting again on the route
to Panama, they sailed all together, towards the south-east, in
spite of contrary winds and currents, until, after having discovered
the Island of St. Clara, they arrived at the port of Tumbez,
situated beyond the 3 degrees of south latitude, where they saw a
magnificent temple and a palace belonging to the Incas, the
sovereigns of the country.
The country was populous and fairly well-cultivated, but what proved
beyond all else seductive to the Spaniards, and made them think that
they had reached the marvellous countries of which so much had been
said, was the sight of so great an abundance of gold and silver,
that these metals were employed not only as finery and ornament by
the inhabitants, but also for making vases and common utensils.
Pizarro caused the interior of the country to be explored by Pietro
de Candia and Alonzo de Molina, who brought back an enthusiastic
description of it, and he caused some gold vases to be given up to
him, as well as some llamas, a quadruped domesticated by the
Peruvians. He took two natives on board his vessel, to whom he
proposed to teach the Spanish language, and to use them as
interpreters when he should return to the country. He anchored
successively at Payta, Saugarata, and in the Bay of Santa-Cruz, of
which the sovereign, Capillana, received the strangers with such
friendly demonstrations, that several of them were unwilling to
re-embark. After having sailed down the coast as far as Porto Santo,
Pizarro set out on his return to Panama, where he arrived after
three whole years spent in dangerous explorations, which had
completely ruined De Luque and Almagro.
[Illustration: Pizarro received by Charles V.]
Pizarro resolved to apply to Charles V. before undertaking the
conquest of the country which he had discovered, for he could not
obtain leave from Los Rios to engage fresh adventurers; so he
borrowed the sum required for the voyage, and in 1528 he went to
Spain to inform the emperor of the work which he had undertaken. He
painted the picture of the countries that were to be conquered in
the most pleasing light, and as a reward for his labours the titles
of governor, captain-general, and alguazil-major of Peru were
bestowed upon him and his heirs in perpetuity. At the same time he
was ennobled, and a pension of 1000 crowns was bestowed upon him.
His jurisdiction, independent of the governor of Panama, was to
extend over a tract of 600 miles along the coast to the south of the
Santiago river; it was to be called New Castille, and he was to be
the governor; concessions that cost nothing to Spain, for Pizarro
had yet to conquer the country. On his side he undertook to raise a
body of 250 men, and to provide himself with the necessary ships,
arms, and ammunition. Pizarro then repaired to Truxillo, where he
persuaded his three brothers Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo to
accompany him, as well as one of his half-brothers Martin
d'Alcantara. He took advantage of his stay in his native town, and
at Caceres, to try to raise recruits, both there and throughout
Estramadura; they did not, however, come forward in large numbers,
in spite of the title of -Caballeros de la Espado dorada- which he
promised to bestow upon all who would serve under him. Then he
returned to Panama, where affairs were not going so smoothly as he
had hoped. He had succeeded in getting De Luque named Bishop
-protector de los Indios-; but for Almagro, whose talents he knew,
and whose ambition he feared, he had only asked that he should be
ennobled and a gratuity of 500 ducats bestowed upon him, with the
government of a fortress which was to be built at Tumbez. Almagro
refused to take part in this new expedition; he was not pleased with
the meagre portion given to him after spending all his money on the
earlier expeditions; he wished now to organize one on his own
account. It required all Pizarro's address, aided by the promise to
give up to Almagro the office of -adelantado-, to appease him and
make him consent to renew the old partnership.
[Illustration: Map of Peru.]
The resources of the three partners were so limited at this time,
that they could only get together three small ships and 124 soldiers,
of whom thirty-six were horse-soldiers; the expedition set out in
February, 1531, under the command of Pizarro and his four brothers,
whilst Almagro remained at Panama to organize an expedition of
supplies. At the end of thirteen days' sailing, and after having
been carried by a storm 300 miles more to the south than he had
intended, Pizarro was forced to disembark both men and horses on the
shores of the Bay of San Mateo, and to follow the line of the coast
on land. This march was a difficult one in a very mountainous
country, thinly-peopled, and intersected by rivers which had to be
crossed at their mouths. At last a place called Coaqui was reached,
where was found a great booty, which decided Pizarro to send back
two of his ships. They carried to Panama and Nicaragua spoils to the
amount of 30,000 -castellanos-, as well as a great number of
emeralds, a rich booty, which would, according to Pizarro, determine
many adventurers to come and join him.
Then the conqueror continued his march southwards as far as
Porto-Viejo, where he was joined by Sebastian Benalcazar and Juan
Fernandez, who brought him twelve horsemen and thirty foot-soldiers.
The effect which had been produced in Mexico by the sight of the
horses and the reports of the fire-arms was repeated in Peru, and
Pizarro was able to reach the Island of Puna in the Gulf of
Guayaquil without encountering any resistance. But the islanders
were more numerous and more warlike than their brothers of the
mainland, and for six months they valiantly resisted all the attacks
of the Spaniards. Although Pizarro had received some aid from
Nicaragua, brought by Ferdinand de Soto, and although he had
beheaded the cacique Tonalla and sixteen of the principal chiefs, he
could not overcome their resistance. He was, therefore, obliged to
regain the continent, where the maladies peculiar to the country
tried his companions so cruelly, that he was forced to stay three
months at Tumbez, exposed to the perpetual attacks of the natives.
From Tumbez he went next to the Rio Puira, discovered the harbour of
Payta, the best on this coast, and founded the colony of San-Miguel,
at the mouth of the Chilo, in order that vessels coming from Panama
might find a safe shelter. It was here that Pizarro received some
envoys from Huascar, who informed him of the revolt of Atahualpa,
the brother of Huascar, and asked his aid.
At the period when the Spaniards landed to conquer Peru, it extended
along the shore of the Pacific Ocean for 1500 miles, and stretched
into the interior as far as the imposing chain of the Andes.
Originally the population was divided into savage and barbarous
tribes, having no idea of civilization, and living in a perpetual
state of warfare with one another. For many centuries affairs had
continued in the same state, and there appeared no presage of the
coming of a better era, when, on the shores of Lake Titicaca, there
appeared to the Indians a man and woman, who pretended that they
were the Children of the Sun. They called themselves Manco-Capac and
Mama-Oello, and were of majestic appearance; according to Garcilasso
de la Vega, towards the middle of the twelfth century they united
together a number of wandering tribes, and laid the foundations of
the town of Cuzco. Manco-Capac had taught the men agriculture and
mechanical arts, whilst Mama-Oello instructed the women in spinning
and weaving. When Manco-Capac had satisfied these first needs of all
societies, he framed laws for his subjects, and constituted a
regular political state. It was thus that the dominion of the Incas
or Lords of Peru was established. At first their empire was limited
to the neighbourhood of Cuzco, but under their successors it rapidly
increased, and extended from the Tropic of Capricorn to the Pearl
Islands, a length of thirty degrees. The power of the incas was as
absolute as that of the ancient Asiatic sovereigns. "Also," says
Zarate, "there was perhaps no other country in the world where the
obedience and submission of the subjects was carried further. The
incas were to them quasi-divinities; they had but to place a thread
drawn from the royal head-fillet in the hands of any one, and the
man so distinguished, was certain to be everywhere respected and
obeyed, and to find such absolute deference paid to the king's order
which he carried, that he could alone exterminate a whole province
without any assistance from soldiers, and cause to be put to death
all the inhabitants, both male and female, because at the mere sight
of this thread, taken from the royal crown, the people voluntarily
and without any resistance, offered themselves up to die." However,
the old chroniclers all agree in saying that this unlimited power
was always used by the incas for the well-being of their subjects.
Out of a series of twelve kings, who in succession sat on the throne
of Peru, there was not one who did not leave behind him the memory
of a just prince adored by his subjects. Should we not search in
vain through the annals of any other country in the world for facts
analogous to these? Must it not be regretted that the Spaniards
should have brought war with all its attendant horrors, and the
maladies and vices of a different climate, along with what they in
their pride called civilization, amongst a rich and happy people,
whose descendants, impoverished and debased as they are, have not
even the recollection of their ancient prosperity to console them in
their irremediable decay?
"The Peruvians," says Michelet in his admirable -Précis d'Histoire
Moderne-, "handed down the principal facts to posterity by knots,
which they made in ropes. They had obelisks and exact gnomons to
mark the equinoxes and solstices. Their year consisted of 365 days.
They had erected prodigies of architecture, and they carved statues
with amazing art. They formed the most polished and industrious
nation of the New World."
The inca Huayna-Capac, father of Atahualpa, under whom this vast
empire was destroyed, had done much to increase and embellish it.
This inca, who conquered all the country of Quito, had made, by the
hands of his soldiers and of the vanquished people, a great road
1500 miles in length from Cuzco to Quito, across precipices which
had been filled up and mountains which had been levelled. Relays of
men, stationed at intervals of a mile and a half from each other,
carried the emperor's orders throughout the empire. Such was their
police, and if we wish to judge of Peruvian magnificence, we need
only instance the fact that the king when he travelled was carried
on a throne of gold which weighed 25,000 ducats, and the golden
litter upon which the throne rested was borne by the highest
personages of the realm.
In 1526, when the Spaniards appeared on the coast for the first time,
the twelfth inca had lately married--in defiance of the ancient law
of the kingdom--the daughter of the vanquished king of Quito, and
had had a son of this marriage named Atahualpa, to whom he left this
kingdom on his death, which happened about 1529. His eldest son
Huascar, whose mother was descended from the incas, had the
remainder of his states. But this partition, so contrary to the
customs established from time immemorial, caused such great
discontent at Cuzco, that Huascar, encouraged by his subjects,
determined to march against his brother, who would not acknowledge
him for his lord and master. Atahualpa, in his turn, had too lately
tasted power to be willing to abandon it. He managed by bribes to
attach to himself the greater part of the warriors who had
accompanied his father during the conquest of Quito, and when the
two armies met, fortune favoured the usurper.
Is it not curious to remark how both in Peru and Mexico the
Spaniards were aided by entirely exceptional circumstances? In
Mexico some of the people who had recently submitted to the Aztec
race, being mercilessly trampled upon by their conquerors, welcome
the Spaniards as deliverers; in Peru the strife between two brothers,
furious against each other, hinders the Indians from turning all
their forces against the invaders whom they might easily have
crushed.
Pizarro upon receiving the envoys sent by Huascar, to ask his aid
against his brother Atahualpa, whom he represented as a rebel and
usurper, saw at once all the advantages that might accrue to him
from these circumstances. He saw that by espousing the cause of one
of the brothers, he could more easily crush them both, therefore he
advanced at once into the interior of the country, at the head of a
very inconsiderable force, consisting of sixty-two cavalry and one
hundred and twenty foot-soldiers, of whom only twenty were armed
with arquebuses and muskets; he was obliged to leave part of his
troops to guard San-Miguel, in which Pizarro reckoned upon finding a
refuge in case of his being unsuccessful, and where in any case all
supplies which might arrive could be landed.
Pizarro first made for Caxamalca, a small town situated at about
twenty days' march from the coast. To reach it he had to cross a
desert of burning sand, without vegetation and without water, which
extended for sixty miles in length as far as the province of Motupé,
and where the slightest attack of the enemy, joined to the
sufferings endured by the little army, would have been sufficient to
crush the whole expedition at one blow. Next the troops plunged into
the mountains and became entangled in narrow defiles where a small
force might have annihilated them. During this march Pizarro
received an envoy from Atahualpa bringing him some painted shoes and
gold bracelets, which he was requested to wear at his approaching
interview with the inca. Naturally Pizarro was lavish in his
promises of friendship and devotion, and assured the Indian
ambassador that he should be only following the orders given him by
the king his master in respecting the lives and property of the
inhabitants. From the moment of his arrival at Caxamalca Pizarro
prudently lodged his soldiers in a temple and a palace belonging to
the inca, where they were sheltered from any surprise. Then he sent
one of his brothers with De Soto and twenty horse-soldiers to the
camp of Atahualpa, which was distant only three miles, to announce
to him his arrival. The envoys of the governor were received with
magnificence, and were astonished at the multiplicity of the
ornaments and vases made of gold and silver which they saw
throughout the Indian camp. They returned, bringing a promise from
Atahualpa that he would come on the next day to visit Pizarro, to
bid him welcome to his kingdom. At the same time the envoys gave an
account of the wonderful riches they had seen, which confirmed
Pizarro in the project which he had formed of seizing the
unfortunate Atahualpa and his treasures by treachery.
Several Spanish authors, and notably Zarate, disguise these facts,
which no doubt appeared to them too odious, and altogether deny the
treachery towards Atahualpa. But at the present day there are extant
many documents which force the historian to believe, with Robertson
and Prescott, in the perfidy of Pizarro. It was very important for
him to have the inca in his own hands, and to employ him as a tool,
just as Cortès had done with Montezuma. He therefore took advantage
of the honesty and simplicity of Atahualpa, who placed entire
confidence in Pizarro's protestations of friendship and so was
thrown off his guard, to arrange an ambuscade into which Atahualpa
was certain to fall. There was not a scruple in the disloyal soul of
the conqueror; he was as cool as though he were about to offer
battle to enemies who had been forewarned of his approach; this
infamous treason must be an eternal dishonour to his memory. Pizarro
divided his cavalry into three small squadrons, left all his
infantry in one body, hid his arquebusiers on the road by which the
inca must pass, and kept twenty of his most determined companions
near himself. Atahualpa, wishing to give the Spaniards a great idea
of his power, advanced with the whole of his army. He himself was
borne upon a kind of bed, decorated with feathers, covered with
plates of gold and silver, and ornamented with precious stones. He
was accompanied by his principal nobles, carried like himself on the
shoulders of their servants, and he was surrounded by dancers and
jesters. Such a march was more that of a procession than of an army.
As soon as the inca had nearly reached the Spanish quarters
(according to Robertson), Father Vincent Valverde, the chaplain of
the expedition, who was afterwards made a bishop as a reward for his
conduct, advanced with the crucifix in one hand and his breviary in
the other. In an interminable discourse he set forth to the monarch
the doctrine of the creation, the fall of the first man, the
Incarnation, Passion, and Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ, the
choice made by God of St. Peter to be His vicar upon earth, the
power transmitted through him to the Popes, and the gift made by
Pope Alexander to the King of Castille of all the regions of the New
World. When he had expounded all these doctrines, he called upon
Atahualpa to embrace the Christian religion, to recognize the
supreme authority of the Pope, and to submit to the King of Castille
as his legitimate sovereign. If he submitted immediately, Valverde
undertook to promise that the king his master would take Peru under
his protection, and allow him to continue to reign there; but he
declared war against him and threatened him with fearful vengeance
if he refused to obey, and persevered in his impiety.
To say the least of it, this was a singular scene and a very strange
harangue, alluding to facts which were utterly unknown to the
Peruvians, and of the truth of which a more skilful orator than
Valverde would not have succeeded in persuading them. If we add that
the interpreter knew so little of the Spanish language that it was
almost an impossibility for him to translate what he scarcely
understood himself, and that the Peruvian language lacked words to
express ideas so foreign to its genius, we shall not be much
surprised to learn that Atahualpa understood almost nothing of the
Spanish monk's discourse. Some sentences, however, which attacked
his own power, filled him with surprise and indignation. But he was
none the less moderate in his reply. He said that, as master of his
own kingdom by right of succession, he could not see how any one had
the power to dispose of it without his consent; he added that he was
not at all willing to renounce the religion of his fathers to adopt
one of which he had only heard that day for the first time; with
regard to the other points touched upon in the discourse he
understood nothing, it was a thing entirely new to him, and he would
much like to know where Valverde had learnt so many wonderful things.
"In this book," replied Valverde, handing him his breviary.
Atahualpa received it with eagerness and turned over some of the
leaves with much curiosity, then, putting it to his ear, he
exclaimed, "What you show me there does not speak to me, and tells
me nothing." With this he flung the book upon the ground.
This served as a signal for the combat, or rather for the massacre.
Cannon and muskets came into play, the cavalry sprang forward, and
the infantry fell sword in hand upon the stupefied Peruvians. In a
few moments the confusion was at its height. The Indians fled on all
sides, without attempting to defend themselves. As to Atahualpa,
although his principal officers tried to make a rampart of their own
bodies, while they carried him off, Pizarro sprang upon him,
dispersed or overthrew his guards, and seizing him by his long hair,
threw him down from the litter in which he was carried. Only the
darkness could arrest the carnage. Four thousand Indians were killed,
a greater number wounded, and 3000 were taken prisoners. An
incontestable proof that there was no real battle is, that of all
the Spaniards Pizarro alone was hit, and he received his wound from
one of his own soldiers who was too precipitately endeavouring to
seize upon the inca.
[Illustration: Atahualpa is made prisoner. -From an old print-.]
The booty collected in the camp and from the dead exceeded anything
the Spaniards could have imagined, and their enthusiasm was
proportioned to the conquest of such riches.
At first Atahualpa bore his captivity with resignation, which may
have been partly due to Pizarro's doing all he could to soothe him,
at least by words. But the inca, soon understanding the unbridled
covetousness of his jailors, made a proposal to Pizarro to pay him
ransom, and to have a room of twenty-two feet in length by sixteen
in width filled as high as the hand could reach with vases, utensils,
and ornaments of gold. Pizarro eagerly agreed to this, and the
captive inca despatched the necessary orders at once to all the
provinces; these were carried out promptly and unmurmuringly. Beyond
this, the Indian troops were disbanded, and Pizarro was able to send
Soto and five Spaniards to Cuzco, a town situated more than 600
miles from Caxamalca, while he himself subjugated all the country
within a circuit of 300 miles.
In the meantime Almagro landed with 200 soldiers. There had been set
aside for him and his men--with what regrets may easily be
imagined--100,000 pesos (a Spanish coin); a fifth was reserved for
the king, and this left 1,528,500 pesos to be divided between
Pizarro and his companions. This product of pillage and massacre was
solemnly divided between those entitled to it on the Festival of St.
James, the patron saint of Spain, after fervent prayer to God. A
deplorable mixture this of religion and profanity, too common
unfortunately, in these times of mingled superstition and avarice.
Each horse-soldier received 8000 pesos as his share, and each
foot-soldier 4000, which would be equivalent to about 1600-l.- and
800-l.- sterling. This was enough to satisfy the most exacting
soldier, after a campaign which had been neither long nor difficult.
Many of the adventurers wished to enjoy this unexpected good fortune
in a peaceable manner in their own country, and eagerly asked for
their dismissal. This Pizarro granted without hesitation, for he
felt sure that the news of their rapidly-acquired wealth would soon
bring him new recruits. With his brother Ferdinand, who went to
Spain to give the emperor an account of Pizarro's triumph and some
splendid presents, went sixty Spaniards, laden heavily indeed with
money, but lightly with remorse.
As soon as Atahualpa's ransom was paid, he claimed his freedom; but
Pizarro, who had only saved his life that he might make all the
treasures of Peru his own, and shelter himself under the prestige
and authority which the inca still exercised over his subjects, was
soon wearied by his entreaties. He suspected him also of having for
some time secretly given orders to levy troops in the distant
provinces of the empire. Besides, Atahualpa having soon discovered
that Pizarro was no better educated than one of the lowest of his
soldiers, felt in consequence a contempt for the governor which,
unfortunately, he could not conceal. Such were the reasons, all
trivial as they were, which determined Pizarro to prepare for the
trial of the inca.
Nothing could have been more hateful than this trial, in which
Almagro and Pizarro were at the same time both suitors and judges.
The heads of the accusation were so ridiculous and absurd, that one
is in doubt whether to be most surprised by the effrontery or the
wickedness of Pizarro, in subjecting the head of a powerful empire,
over which he had no jurisdiction, to such an inquiry. Atahualpa,
being found guilty, was condemned to be burnt alive; but as he had
at length asked to be baptized, that he might rid himself of the
importunities of Valverde, his enemies contented themselves with
strangling him. A worthy counterpart this, of Guatimozin's
execution! These were amongst the most atrocious and odious deeds
committed by the Spaniards in America, where, however, they have
sullied themselves with every imaginable crime.
Among this herd of adventurers there were still some men who had
retained sentiments of honour and self-respect. They protested
loudly against this perversion of justice, but their generous
pleadings were stifled by the selfish declamations of Pizarro and
his worthy assistants.
The governor now raised one of Atahualpa's sons to the throne, under
the name of Paul Inca; but the civil war between the two brothers,
and the events which had occurred since the arrival of the Spaniards,
had done much to loosen the ties which bound the Peruvians to their
kings, and this young man, destined soon to die an ignominious death,
had scarcely more authority than Manco-Capac, the son of Huascar,
who was acknowledged by the inhabitants of Cuzco. Soon after this,
some of the principal people in the country even tried to carve for
themselves kingdoms out of the empire of Peru. Such was Ruminagui,
the commandant of Quito, who caused the brother and the children of
Atahualpa to be massacred, and declared himself independent. Discord
reigned in the Peruvian camp, and the Spaniards resolved to take
advantage of it. Pizarro advanced rapidly upon Cuzco, the small
number of his forces having been the only reason which had prevented
him from doing so sooner. Now that a crowd of adventurers, attracted
by the treasures which had been brought back to Panama, vied with
each other in hastening to Peru, now that he could assemble 500
men--after leaving an important garrison at San-Miguel under
Benalcazar's command,--Pizarro had no further reason for delay. On
the way some skirmishes took place with large bodies of troops, but
they ended as always, with severe loss to the natives, and a very
insignificant one to the Spaniards. When they entered Cuzco, and
took possession of the town, the invaders showed surprise at the
small quantity of gold and precious stones which they found there,
although it far exceeded Atahualpa's ransom. Was this because they
were becoming accustomed to the riches of the country, or because
there was a larger number to share in them?
Meanwhile, Benalcazar, being weary of inaction, took advantage of
the arrival of a reinforcement from Nicaragua and Panama, to set out
for Quito, where according to the Peruvians, Atahualpa had left the
greater part of his treasure. He placed himself at the head of
eighty horse-soldiers and 120 infantry, defeated on several
occasions Ruminagui, who disputed his passage, and thanks to his
prudence and cleverness, he entered Quito victorious; but he did not
find there what he sought, that is to say, the treasures of
Atahualpa.
At the same time, Peter d'Alvarado, who had so signally
distinguished himself under Cortès, and who had been made governor
of Guatemala, as a reward for his services, pretended to believe
that the province of Quito was not included in Pizarro's command,
and organized an expedition consisting of 500 men, 200 of whom were
cavalry. Landing at Porto-Viejo, he wished to reach Quito without a
guide, by going up the Guayaquil River and crossing the Andes. This
road has always been one of the worst and most trying that it is
possible to choose. Before they had reached the plain of Quito,
after horrible sufferings from hunger and thirst, without speaking
of the burning cinders hurled from the crater of Chimborazo, a
volcano near Quito, and the snow-storms which assailed them, the
fifth part of the band of adventurers, and half the horses, had
perished; the remainder were completely discouraged and quite unfit
for fighting. It was therefore with the greatest surprise, and some
uneasiness, that they found themselves face to face, not with a body
of Indians as they had expected, but with a party of Spaniards,
under the command of Almagro. The latter were preparing to charge,
when some of the more moderate among the officers caused an
arrangement to be entered into, by virtue of which Alvarado was to
withdraw to his own province after receiving 100,000 pesos to defray
the expenses of the armament.
Ferdinand Pizarro had set sail for Spain, while these events were
happening in Peru, feeling sure that the immense quantity of gold,
silver, and precious stones which he took with him, would secure him
a warm welcome. He obtained for his brother Francisco the
confirmation of his appointment as governor, with more extended
powers; he himself was made a knight of the order of St. Iago; as
for Almagro, he was confirmed in his title of -adelantado-, and his
jurisdiction was extended 600 miles, without, however, its limits
being very strictly defined, which left the door open for many
contests and all kinds of arbitrary interpretations.
Ferdinand Pizarro had not reached Peru again, when Almagro, having
learnt that a special government had been assigned to him, pretended
that Cuzco formed part of it, and made preparations for its conquest.
But Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro had no intention of allowing themselves
to be robbed, and the parties were on the point of coming to blows
when Francisco Pizarro, who is often called -the Marquis- or -the
great Marquis-, arrived at the capital.
Almagro had never forgiven Francisco Pizarro the duplicity which he
had displayed in his negotiations with Charles V., nor the coolness
with which he had claimed for himself, at the expense of his two
friends, the principal share of authority, and the most extended
government. But as Almagro met with great opposition to his designs,
and as he was not the stronger, he concealed his vexation, put a
good face on the matter, and seemed delighted at a reconciliation.
"They renewed their partnership, therefore," says Zarate, "on
condition that Don Diego d'Almagro should go and discover the
country on the south side, and if he found any that was really good,
they should ask his Majesty to make him the governor of it; but that
if he found nothing to suit him, they should share Don Francisco's
government between them." This arrangement was made very solemnly,
and they took their oath upon the consecrated wafer, that for the
future they would undertake nothing against one another. Some say
that Almagro swore that he would never encroach either upon Cuzco or
on the surrounding country within 390 miles, even if his Majesty
should give him the government of it. They add that turning towards
the holy sacrament, he pronounced these words, "Lord, if I violate
the oath that I now take, I pray that Thou wilt confound me, and
punish me both in my body and my soul!"
[Illustration: Pizarro and Almagro take an oath upon the Host.]
After this solemn agreement, which was destined to be observed with
as little fidelity as the first, Almagro made his preparations for
departure. Thanks to his well-known liberality, as much as to his
reputation for courage, he gathered together 570 men, of about equal
numbers of cavalry and infantry, with which he set out by land for
Chili. The journey was an extremely trying one, and the adventurers
suffered severely from intense cold whilst crossing the Andes; they
had also to deal with very warlike tribes, unsoftened by any
civilization, who assailed them with a -furia- of which nothing they
had seen in Peru had given them any idea. Almagro could make no
settlement, for he had scarcely been two months in the country when
he heard that the Indians in Peru had revolted, and massacred the
greater part of the Spaniards, whereupon he immediately retraced his
steps.
After the new partnership had been signed between the conquerors
(1534), Pizarro had returned to the provinces bordering on the sea,
in which he could establish a regular government, there being no
longer anything to dread from resistance. For a man who had never
studied legislation, he had drawn up some very wise rules for the
administration of justice, for the collection of taxes, the
apportionment of the Indians, and the working of the mines. Some
parts of the "conquistador's" character were doubtless very open to
criticism, but it is only just to recognize that he was not wanting
in enlarged ideas, and that he was conscientious in playing his part
as the founder of a great empire. This it was which made him
hesitate long before choosing the future capital of the Spanish
possessions. Cuzco had the recommendation of having been the
residence of the incas; but this town, situated more than 400 miles
from the sea, was very distant from Quito, of which the importance
seemed to Pizarro to be extreme. Before long he was struck with the
beauty and fertility of a great valley, watered by a stream called
the Rimac, and there in 1536, he established the seat of his
dominion. Soon, the City of Kings (de Los Reyes), or Lima, as it is
called by a corruption of the name of the river which flows at its
feet, assumed the aspect of a great city, owing to the magnificent
palace and the sumptuous residences for officers, which Pizarro
caused to be built there. While these cares kept Pizarro far from
his capital, small bodies of troops, sent in different directions,
penetrated into the most distant provinces of the empire, with the
object of extinguishing the last smouldering embers of resistance;
so many of the soldiers were employed in this way, that there
remained in Cuzco itself but a very small body of troops. The inca,
who had remained in the hands of the Spaniards, thought this an
opportune moment for fomenting a general rising, in which he
earnestly hoped that the foreign government might be overthrown.
Although closely guarded, he contrived to take his measures with so
much skill that he did not arouse the suspicions of his oppressors.
He obtained permission even to be present at a grand fête, which was
to be held at several miles' distance from Cuzco, and for which the
most distinguished persons in the empire had met together. As soon
as the inca appeared, the standard of revolt was raised. The country
was soon in arms from the confines of the province of Quito as far
as Chili, and a number of small detachments of Spaniards were
surprised and destroyed. Cuzco, defended by the three brothers
Pizarro with but 170 Spaniards, was exposed for eight consecutive
months to the incessant attacks of the Peruvians, who had now become
expert in the use of the arms which they had taken from their
enemies. The conquerors made a most valiant resistance, but
experienced some severe losses, especially that of Juan Pizarro.
Almagro left Chili in the greatest haste, crossed the stony and
sandy desert of Atacama, where he suffered as severely from heat and
drought as he had done in the Andes from cold and snow, penetrated
into the Peruvian territory, defeated Manco-Capac in a great battle,
and succeeded in approaching the town of Cuzco, after having driven
away the Indians. He then tried to get the town given up to him, on
the pretext that it was not included in Pizarro's government, and
violating a truce, during which the followers of the marquis were
taking a short rest, he entered Cuzco, seized both Ferdinand and
Gonzalo Pizarro, and had himself acknowledged as governor.
While this was going on, a considerable body of Indians invested
Lima, intercepted all communications, and annihilated the various
small bodies of troops which Pizarro sent at intervals to the aid of
the Spaniards at Cuzco. At this time he sent away all his vessels to
Panama to compel his companions to make a desperate resistance; he
recalled from Truxillo the forces under the command of Alonzo
d'Alvarado, and entrusted to the latter a column of 500 men, which
advanced to within several miles of the capital without having the
slightest suspicion that the town was now in the hands of
fellow-countrymen, who were fully determined to bar their passage.
But Almagro desired much rather to attract these new adversaries to
himself than to destroy them; he arranged therefore, to surprise
them and make them prisoners. He had now a fine opportunity in his
hands of ending the war, and making himself master of the two
governments by a single blow. Several of his officers had observed
this to him, and especially Orgoños, who proposed that the two
brothers of the "conquistador" should be put to death, and that
Almagro should advance by forced marches with his victorious troops
against Lima, where Pizarro, taken by surprise, would not be able to
resist him. But as a Latin poet says, "Jupiter makes dotards of
those whom he means to ruin." Almagro, who in so many other
instances had thrown aside all scruples, did not wish to put himself
in the wrong by invading Pizarro's dominions as a rebel, and he
quietly took the road back to Cuzco.
Looking at it only from the side of Almagro's own interests, he
evidently committed in this a gross blunder, of which he was soon to
repent; but if we consider, what we should never lose sight of, the
interest of the country, he had already committed a capital crime in
the acts of aggression of which he had been guilty, and in kindling
civil war in face of an enemy quite ready to take advantage of it.
His adversaries did not delay to remind him of it. Whereas prompt
decision would have been necessary for Almagro to make him master of
the situation, Pizarro had everything to expect from time and
opportunity. While waiting for the promised reinforcements from
Darien, he commenced negotiations with his adversary, lasting for
several months, during which time one of his brothers, as well as
Alvarado, found means to escape with more than seventy men. Although
Almagro had been so often duped, he consented again to receive the
licentiate Espinosa, who was ordered to represent to him, that if
the emperor knew what was taking place between the two competitors,
and learnt the condition to which their contests had reduced affairs,
no doubt he would recall them both, and put some one else in their
place. At last, after the death of Espinosa, it was decided by the
friar Francisco de Bovadilla, to whom Pizarro and Almagro had
referred their differences, that Ferdinand Pizarro should be
immediately set free, that Cuzco should be given back to the marquis,
and that they should send several officers on both sides to Spain,
charged with representing the respective rights of the two parties
and submitting them to the emperor's decision.
Scarcely had the last of his brothers been set at liberty than
Pizarro, rejecting all idea of peace and amicable arrangement,
declared that arms alone should decide whether he or Almagro was to
be lord of Peru. In a short time he had assembled a body of 700 men,
of which he entrusted the command to his two brothers. Finding it
impossible to cross the mountains which would have been the most
direct road to Cuzco, they followed the line of the sea-coast as far
as Nasca, and then penetrated into a branch of the Andes, by which
they could reach the capital in a short time. Possibly Almagro ought
to have defended the mountain defiles, but he had only 500 men, and
he reckoned much on his splendid cavalry, whom he could not deploy
in a confined space; he therefore waited for the enemy in the plain
of Cuzco. The two parties encountered each other on the 26th of
April, 1538, with equal animosity; but the victory was decided by
two companies of musketeers which the emperor had sent to Pizarro
when he heard of the revolt of the Indians. One hundred and forty
soldiers perished in this engagement, which received the name of
-las salinas-. Orgoños and several officers of distinction were
killed in cold blood after the battle, and Almagro himself, aged and
ill, could not escape from Pizarro.
The Indians who, assembled in arms on the surrounding mountains, had
reckoned upon falling on the conqueror, had need instead to fly in
all haste. "Nothing," says Robertson, "more entirely proves the
ascendancy gained by the Spaniards over the Americans, than seeing
that the latter, witnesses of the defeat and dispersion of one of
the parties, had not the courage to attack the other, even weakened
and fatigued as they were by their victory, and dared not fall upon
their oppressors when fortune offered them so favourable an
opportunity for attacking them with advantage."
At this period a victory not followed by pillage was incomplete, so
the town of Cuzco was sacked, and all the riches that Pizarro's
companions found there did not suffice to content them. They had
such exalted ideas of their merits and of the services which they
had rendered, that each would have desired an appointment as
governor. Ferdinand Pizarro therefore dispersed them, and sent them
to conquer fresh territories with some of the partisans of Almagro
who had rallied, and whom it was important to send to a distance.
As for Almagro himself, Ferdinand Pizarro, feeling convinced that
his name constituted a focus of permanent agitation, resolved to get
rid of him. He caused him therefore to be put upon his trial, which
ended, as it was easy to foresee, in a sentence of death. When
Almagro received this news, after giving way for a few moments to a
very natural grief, pleading his great age and the different way in
which he had behaved with regard to Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro
when they were his prisoners, he recovered his calmness and awaited
his death with a soldier's courage. He was strangled in his prison,
and afterwards publicly beheaded (1538).
After several successful expeditions, Ferdinand Pizarro set out for
Spain, to give the Emperor an account of what had taken place. He
found most minds there strangely prejudiced against him and his
brothers. Their cruelty, their violence, and their disregard of the
most sacred engagements had been laid bare without reserve, by some
friends of Almagro's. Ferdinand Pizarro needed the utmost cleverness
to win the Emperor round. Charles V. had no means of judging fairly
on which side the justice of the case lay, for he had only heard of
it from the interested parties; he could only discern the deplorable
consequences to his own government of the civil war. He decided,
therefore, to send a commissioner to the country, to whom he gave
most extensive powers, and who, after having inquired into all that
had taken place, should establish whatever form of government he
thought most advisable. This delicate mission was confided to
Christoval de Vaca, a judge of -audience- at Valladolid, who proved
not unequal to his task. One fact is worthy of notice; he was
recommended to show the greatest respect towards Francisco Pizarro,
at the very time when his brother Ferdinand was arrested and thrown
into a prison, where he was destined to remain forgotten for twenty
years.
While these events were taking place in Spain, the Marquis portioned
out the conquered country, keeping for himself and his trustworthy
friends the most fertile and best situated districts, and giving to
Almagro's companions, the men of Chili as they were called, only the
more sterile and distant territories. Next he confided to Pedro de
Valdivia, one of his aides-de-camp the execution of the project
which Almagro had only been able to sketch out, the conquest of
Chili. Valdivia set out on the 28th of January, 1540, with 150
Spaniards, amongst whom Pedro Gomez, Pedro de Miranda, and Alonzo de
Monroy were destined especially to distinguish themselves; he
crossed first the desert of Atacama, which even at the present day
is considered a most troublesome enterprise, and reached Copiapo,
standing in the midst of a beautiful valley. Received at first with
great cordiality, he had to sustain, as soon as harvest was over,
several combats with the Araucanians, a race of brave, indefatigable
warriors, very different from the Indians of Peru. In spite of this,
he laid the foundations of the town of Santiago on the 12th of
February, 1541. Valdivia spent eight years in Chili, presiding over
the conquest and organization of the country. Less greedy than the
other "conquistadores" his contemporaries, he only sought for the
mineral riches of the country that he might ensure the development
of the prosperity of his colony, in which he had taken care first of
all to encourage agriculture. "The best mine that I know of, is one
of corn and wine with nourishment for livestock. Who has this, has
money. As for mines, we do not depend upon them for subsistence. And
often that which looks well outwardly is not really worth much."
These wise words of Lescarbot, in his -Histoire de la Nouvelle
France-, might have been used by Valdivia, so exactly do they
correspond with and express his sentiments. His valour, prudence,
and humanity, more especially the latter quality, which shines forth
strangely in contrast with the cruelty of Pizarro, ensures for him a
distinction all his own among the "conquistadores" of the sixteenth
century.
[Illustration: The shores of Rio Napo.]
At the time that Valdivia set out for Chili, Gonzalo Pizarro crossed
the Andes at the head of 340 Spaniards, half of whom were mounted,
and 4000 Indians, of whom the greater part of the Indians perished
from cold; then he penetrated eastwards into the interior, seeking
for a country where spices and cinnamon were said to abound. In
these vast Savannahs, intersected by marshes and virgin forests, the
Spaniards encountered torrents of rain, which lasted quite two
months; they found only a scattered population, who were not
industrious and also hostile; in consequence, the invaders often
suffered from hunger in a country where there were then neither
horses nor oxen, where the largest quadrupeds were tapirs and llamas,
and even the latter were seldom met with on this slope of the Andes.
In spite of these difficulties, which would have discouraged any
less energetic explorers than the -descubridores- of the sixteenth
century, they persevered in their attempt and descended the Rio Napo
or Coca, an affluent on the left of the Marañon, as far as its
confluence. There, with great difficulty they built a brigantine,
which was manned by fifty soldiers under the command of Francisco
Orellana. But either the strength of the current carried him away,
or else being no longer under the eyes of his chief, he wished in
his turn to be the leader of an expedition of discovery; he did not
wait for Gonzalo Pizarro at the appointed rendezvous, but continued
to descend the river until he reached the ocean. Such a voyage is
simply marvellous, through nearly 6000 miles of an unknown region,
without guide, without compass, without provisions, with a crew who
murmured more than once against the foolish attempt of their leader,
and in the midst of populations almost invariably hostile. From the
mouth of the river, which he had just descended in his badly built
and dilapidated vessel, Orellana succeeded in reaching the Island of
Cubagua, whence he set sail for Spain. If the proverb "He who comes
from a distance tells many lies" were not of much earlier date, one
might have thought it had been coined for Orellana. He invented the
most preposterous fables as to the wealth of the countries he had
traversed; the inhabitants were so rich that the roofs of the
temples were formed of plates of gold; an assertion which gave rise
to the legend of -El Dorado-. Orellana had heard of the existence of
a Republic of female warriors who had founded a vast empire, which
caused the river Marañon to be called the -River of the Amazons-. If,
however, we strip this narrative of all that is ridiculous and
grotesque, and calculated to please the imaginations of his
contemporaries, it remains certain that Orellana's expedition is one
of the most remarkable of this epoch, so fertile in gigantic
enterprises; and it furnishes the first information upon the immense
zone of country lying between the Andes and the Atlantic.
But we must return to Gonzalo Pizarro. His embarrassment and
consternation had been great, when on arriving at the confluence of
the Napo and Marañon, he had not found Orellana, who was to have
been awaiting him. Fearing that some accident might have befallen
his lieutenant, he had descended the course of the river for 150
miles, until he met with an unfortunate officer, who had been left
behind for having addressed some remonstrances to his chief upon his
perfidy. The bravest among Pizarro's men were discouraged at the
news of the cowardly way in which they had been abandoned, and at
the destitute condition in which they were left. Pizarro was obliged
to yield to their entreaties and to return to Quito, from which they
were more than 1200 miles away. To give an idea of their sufferings
on this return journey, it suffices to say that, after having eaten
horses, dogs, and reptiles, roots, and wild beasts, and after having
devoured every article made of leather in their accoutrements, the
unfortunate survivors who reached Quito, lacerated by brambles,
emaciated and utterly impoverished, numbered only twenty-four. Four
thousand Indians and two hundred and ten Spaniards had perished in
this expedition, which had lasted less than two years.
While Gonzalo Pizarro was conducting the unfortunate expedition just
related, the old partisans of Almagro, who had never frankly joined
Pizarro, gathered round the son of their old leader, and formed a
plot for murdering the Marquis. In vain was Francisco Pizarro
several times warned of what was threatening him, he would pay no
heed to the report. He said "Keep quiet, I shall be safe as long as
there is no one in Peru who does not know that I can in a moment
take the life of any one who should dare to form the project of
attempting mine."
On Sunday, the 26th of June, 1541, at the hour of siesta, Juan de
Herrada and eighteen conspirators left the house of Almagro's son
with drawn swords in their hands and armed from top to toe. They ran
towards the house of Pizarro, crying out, "Death to the tyrant!
death to the infamous wretch!" They entered the palace, killed
Francisco de Chaves, who had appeared in haste on hearing the noise,
and gained the hall, where was Francisco Pizarro, with his brother
Francisco-Martin, the doctor Juan Velasquez, and a dozen servants.
These jumped out of the windows, with the exception of Martin
Pizarro, two other gentlemen, and two tall pages, who were killed
while defending the door of the governor's apartment. He himself had
not had time to put on his cuirass, but he seized his sword and
buckler and defended himself valiantly, killing four of his
adversaries and wounding several others. One of his assailants, in a
spirit of self-devotion, attracted to himself the blows of Pizarro.
Meanwhile the other conspirators made their way in and attacked him
with such fury that he could not parry all the blows, being so
exhausted that he could scarcely wield his sword. "Thus," says
Zarate, "they made an end, and succeeded in killing him by a thrust
in the throat. Falling to the ground, he asked in a loud voice that
he might be allowed to confess, and then not being able any longer
to speak, he made the sign of the cross on the ground, which he
kissed, and then yielded up his soul to God." Some negroes carried
his body to the church, where Juan Barbazan, his old servant, alone
ventured to come and claim it. This faithful servant secretly
rendered to it funeral honours, for the conspirators had pillaged
the house of Pizarro, not leaving enough even to pay for wax tapers.
[Illustration: Death of Pizarro. -From an old print-.]
Thus did Francisco Pizarro come to his end, assassinated even in the
capital of the vast empire which Spain owed to his valour and
indefatigable perseverance, but which he bestowed upon his country,
it must be admitted, ravaged, decimated, and drowned in a deluge of
blood. Pizarro is often compared with Cortès; the one had as much
ambition, courage, and military capacity as the other; but the
cruelty and avarice of the Marquis della Valle were carried to an
extreme in Pizarro, and united in him to perfidy and duplicity. If
we are inclined to excuse certain parts of Cortès' character which
are not estimable, by the times in which he lived, we are at least
charmed by that grace and nobility of manners, and by that way of a
gentleman above prejudices, which made him so much beloved by the
soldier. In Pizarro, on the contrary, we find roughness, and a harsh,
unsympathizing way of feeling, while his chivalrous qualities
disappear entirely behind the rapacity and perfidy which are the
salient features of his character.
If Cortès found brave and resolute adversaries among the Mexicans,
who opposed almost insurmountable difficulties to his progress,
Pizarro had no trouble in vanquishing the Peruvians, who were timid
and enervated, and who never made any serious resistance to his arms.
Of the conquests of Peru and Mexico, the less difficult produced the
greater metallurgic advantage to Spain, and thus it was the more
appreciated.
The civil war was on the point of breaking out again after Pizarro's
death when the governor arrived, who was delegated by the
metropolitan government. As soon as he had collected the needful
troops, he marched towards Cuzco. He seized young Almagro without
trouble, had him beheaded with forty of his confederates and
governed the country with firmness, until the viceroy Blasco Nuñez
Vela, arrived. It is not our intention to enter into the detail of
the disputes which took place between the latter and Gonzalo Pizarro,
who, profiting by the general discontent, caused by the new
regulations as to the "repartimientos," revolted against the
Emperor's representative. After many changes of fortune, for which
we have not space, the struggle ended by the defeat and execution of
Gonzalo Pizarro, which took place in 1548. His body was taken to
Cuzco and buried fully dressed; "No one," says Garcilasso de la Vega,
"being willing to give even a winding-sheet for it." Thus ended the
judicial assassin of Almagro. Is not the text appropriate in this
case: "They that take the sword shall perish with the sword"?
CHAPTER II.
THE FIRST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
Magellan--His early history--His disappointment--His change of
nationality--Preparations for the expedition--Rio de Janeiro--St.
Julian's Bay--Revolt of a part of the squadron--Terrible punishment
of the guilty--Magellan's Strait--Patagonia--The Pacific--The
Ladrone Islands--Zebu and the Philippine Islands--Death of
Magellan--Borneo--The Moluccas and their Productions--Separation of
the -Trinidad- and -Victoria---Return to Europe by the Cape of Good
Hope--Last misadventures.
No one as yet was aware of the immense size of the continent
discovered by Christopher Columbus. Still was sought perseveringly
on the coast of America--which was thought to be a collection of
several islands--the famous strait which should lead at once to the
Pacific Ocean and to those Spice Islands the possession of which
would have made the fortune of Spain. While Cortereal and Cabot were
seeking for it in the Atlantic Ocean, and Cortès in the furthest
part of the Gulf of California, while Pizarro was coasting along
Peru, and Valdivia was conquering Chili, the solution of this
problem was found by a Portuguese in the service of Spain, Ferdinand
de Magellan.
The son of a gentleman of -Cota e Armas-, Ferdinand de Magellan was
born either at Oporto, at Lisbon, at Villa de Sabrossa, or at Villa
de Figueiro, it is not actually known which; the date of his birth
is unknown, but it took place towards the end of the fifteenth
century. He had been brought up in the house of King John II., where
he received as complete an education as could then be given him.
After having made mathematics and navigation his special study--for
at this time in Portugal there was an irresistible current which
drew the whole country towards maritime expeditions and
discoveries--Magellan early embraced a maritime career, and embarked
in 1505 with Almeida, who was on his way to the Indies. He took part
in the sacking of Quiloa, and in all the events of that campaign.
The following year he accompanied Vaz Pereira to Sofala; then, on
returning to the Malabar coast, we find him assisting Albuquerque at
the taking of Malacca, and bearing himself on that occasion with
equal prudence and bravery. He took part in the expedition sent by
Albuquerque about 1510, to seek for the famous Spice Islands, under
the command of Antonio de Abreu and of Francisco Serrão, which
discovered Banda, Amboyna, Ternate, and Tidor. During this time
Magellan had landed at the Malaysian Islands, distant 1800 miles
from Malacca, and in the Archipelago of the Moluccas he had obtained
the circumstantial information which gave birth in his mind to the
idea of the voyage which he was destined to accomplish later on.
[Illustration: Magellan on board his caravel. -From an old print-.]
On his return to Portugal, Magellan obtained leave, though not
without difficulty, to search through the royal archives. He soon
became certain that the Moluccas were situated in the hemisphere
which the bull of demarcation adopted at Tordesillas by the kings of
Spain and Portugal, and confirmed in 1494 by Pope Alexander VI., had
given to Spain.
In virtue of this line of demarcation, which was destined to give
rise to so many impassioned debates, all the countries situated at
360 miles west of the meridian of the Cape de Verd Islands were to
belong to Spain, and all those lying to the east of the same
meridian to Portugal. Magellan was of too active a nature to remain
long without again taking service; he went next to fight in Africa
at Azamor, a town in Morocco, where he received a slight wound in
his knee, but one which by injuring a nerve made him lame for the
remainder of his life, and obliged him to return to Portugal.
Conscious of the superiority which his theoretical and practical
knowledge and his services had earned for him above the herd of
courtiers, Magellan naturally felt more keenly than another would
have done the unjust treatment he received from Emmanuel with regard
to certain complaints laid by the people of Azamor against the
Portuguese officers. King Emmanuel's prejudices soon changed to a
real dislike. It showed itself by the outrageous imputation that
Magellan was pretending to suffer from a wound which was really of
no consequence and was completely cured, that he might escape from
accusations which he could not refute. Such an assertion was a
serious matter for the honour of Magellan, so susceptible and
suspicious; he thereupon came to a desperate determination which
corresponded moreover with the greatness of the insult which he had
received. That no one might be ignorant of it, he caused it to be
legally set forth that he renounced his rights as a Portuguese
citizen, and changed his nationality, and he then took out letters
of naturalization in Spain. This was to proclaim, as solemnly as
could possibly be done, that he intended to be looked upon as a
subject of the crown of Castille, to which henceforward he would
consecrate his services and his whole life. This was a serious
determination, as we can see, which no one blamed, and which even
the most severe historians, such as Barros and Faria y Sousa, have
excused.
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