thinking that their dominion must surely be less oppressive and less
cruel than that of the Aztecs.
It is certain that if Montezuma, with the large force which he had
at his disposal, had fallen upon the Spaniards when they were
occupying the hot and unhealthy shore of Vera-Cruz, they would have
been unable, in spite of the superiority of their arms and
discipline, to resist such a shock; they must all have perished, or
been obliged to re-embark, and the fate of the New World would have
been completely changed. But the decision which formed the most
salient point in the character of Cortès, was completely wanting in
that of Montezuma, a prince who never could at any time adopt a
resolute policy.
Fresh ambassadors from the emperor had arrived at the Spanish camp,
bringing to Cortès an order to quit the country, and upon his
refusal all intercourse between the natives and the invaders had
immediately ceased. The situation was becoming critical, and this
Cortès felt. After having overcome some hesitation which had been
shown by the troops, he laid the foundations of Vera-Cruz, a
fortress designed to serve as a basis of operations, and a shelter
in case of a possible re-embarkation. He next organized a kind of
civil government, a -junta-, as it would be called in the present
day, to which he resigned the commission which had been revoked by
Velasquez, and then he made the junta give him one with new
provisions and more extended powers. After this he received the
envoys from the town of Zempoalla, who were come to solicit his
alliance, and his protection against Montezuma, whose dominion they
bore with impatience. Cortès was indeed fortunate in meeting with
such allies so soon after landing, and not wishing to allow so
golden an opportunity to slip, he welcomed the Totonacs kindly, went
with them to their capital, and after having caused a fortress to be
constructed at Quiabislan on the sea-shore, he persuaded his new
friends to refuse the payment of tribute to Montezuma. He took
advantage of his stay at Zempoalla to exhort these people to embrace
Christianity, and he threw down their idols, as he had already done
at Cozumel, to prove to them the powerlessness of their gods.
Meanwhile a plot had been forming in his own camp, and Cortès,
feeling convinced that as long as there remained any way of
returning to Cuba, there would be constant lukewarmness and
discontent among his soldiers, caused all his ships to be run
aground, under the pretext of their being in too shattered a
condition to be of any further use. This was an unheard-of act of
audacity, and one which forced his companions either to conquer or
to die. Having no longer anything to fear from the want of
discipline of his troops, Cortès set out for Zempoalla on the 16th
of August, with five hundred soldiers, fifteen horses, and six field
cannon, and also two hundred Indian porters, who were intended to
perform all menial offices. The little army soon reached the
frontiers of the small republic of Tlascala, of which the fierce
inhabitants, impatient of servitude, had long been engaged in strife
with Montezuma. Cortès flattered himself that his oft-proclaimed
intention of delivering the Indians from the Mexican yoke would
induce the Tlascalans to become his allies and at once to make
common cause with him. He therefore asked for leave to cross their
territory on his way to Mexico; but his ambassadors were detained,
and as he advanced into the interior of the country, he was harassed
for fourteen consecutive days and nights by continual attacks from
several bodies of Tlascalans, amounting in all to 30,000 men, who
displayed a bravery and determination such as the Spaniards had
never yet seen equalled in the New World. But the arms possessed by
these brave men were very primitive. What could they effect with
only arrows and lances tipped with obsidian or fish-bones, stakes
hardened in the fire, wooden swords, and above all with an inferior
system of tactics? When they found that each encounter cost them the
lives of many of their bravest warriors, while not a single Spaniard
had been killed, they imagined that these strangers must be of a
superior order of beings, while they could not tell what opinion to
form of men who sent back to them the spies taken in their camp,
with their hands cut off, and who yet after each victory not only
did not devour their prisoners, as the Aztecs would have done, but
released them, loading them with presents and proposing peace.
Upon this the Tlascalans declared themselves vassals of the Spanish
crown, and swore to assist Cortès in all his expeditions, while he
on his side promised to protect them against their enemies. It was
time that peace should be made, for many of the Spaniards were
wounded or ill, and all were worn out with fatigue, but the entry in
triumph into Tlascala, where they were welcomed as supernatural
beings, quickly made them forget their sufferings.
After twenty days of repose in this town, Cortès resumed his march
towards Mexico, having with him an auxiliary army of six thousand
Tlascalans. He went first to Cholula, a town regarded as sacred by
the Indians, and as the sanctuary and favoured residence of their
deities. Montezuma felt much satisfaction in the advance of the
Spaniards to this town, either from the hope that the gods would
themselves avenge the desecration of their temples, or that he
thought a rising, and massacre of the Spaniards might be more easily
organized in this populous and fanatical town. Cortès had been
warned by the Tlascalans that he must place no trust in the
protestations of friendship and devotion made by the Cholulans.
However, he took up his quarters in the town, considering that he
would lose his prestige if he showed any signs of fear, but upon
being informed by the Tlascalans that the women and children were
being sent away, and by Marina that a considerable body of troops
was massed at the gates of the city, that pitfalls and trenches were
dug in the streets, whilst the roofs of the houses were loaded with
stones and missiles, Cortès anticipated the designs of his enemies,
gave orders to make prisoners of all the principal men of the town,
and then organized a general massacre of the population, thus taken
by surprise and deprived of their leaders. For two whole days the
unhappy Cholulans were subject to all the horrors which could be
invented by the rage of the Spaniards, and the vengeance of their
allies the Tlascalans. A terrible example was made, six thousand
people being put to the sword, temples burned to the ground, and the
town half destroyed, a work of destruction well calculated to strike
terror into the hearts of Montezuma and his subjects.
[Illustration: Lake of Mexico.]
Sixty miles now separated Cortès from the capital, and everywhere as
he passed along he was received as a liberator. There was not a
cacique who had not some cause of complaint against the imperial
despotism, and Cortès felt confirmed in the hope that so divided an
empire would prove an easy prey. As the Spaniards descended from the
mountains of Chalco, they beheld with astonishment the valley of
Mexico, with its enormous lake, deeply sunk and surrounded by large
towns, the capital city built upon piles, and the well-cultivated
fields of this fertile region.
Cortès did not trouble himself about the continued tergiversations
of Montezuma, who could not make up his mind to the last moment
whether he would receive the Spaniards as friends or enemies. The
Spanish general advanced along the causeway which leads to Mexico
across the lake, and was already within a mile of the town, when
some Indians, who, from their magnificent costume were evidently of
high rank, came to greet him and to announce to him the approach of
the emperor. Montezuma soon appeared, borne upon the shoulders of
his favourites in a kind of litter adorned with gold and feathers,
while a magnificent canopy protected him from the rays of the sun.
As he advanced the Indians prostrated themselves before him, with
their heads downwards, as though unworthy even to look at their
monarch. This first interview was cordial, and Montezuma himself
conducted his guests to the abode which he had prepared for them. It
was a vast palace, surrounded by a stone wall, and defended by high
towers. Cortès immediately took measures of defence, and ordered the
cannon to be pointed upon the roads leading to the palace. At the
second interview, magnificent presents were offered both to the
general and soldiers. Montezuma related that according to an old
tradition, the ancestors of the Aztecs had arrived in the country
under the leadership of a man of white complexion, and bearded like
the Spaniards. After laying the foundations of their power, he had
embarked upon the ocean, promising them that one day his descendants
would come to visit them and to reform their laws--and if, as
Montezuma said, he now received the Spaniards rather as fathers than
as foreigners, it was because he felt convinced that in them he
beheld the descendants of his people's ancient chief, and he begged
them to regard themselves as the masters of his country.
The following days were employed in visiting the town, which
appeared to the Spaniards as larger, more populous, and more
beautiful than any city which they had hitherto seen in America. Its
distinguishing peculiarity consisted in the causeways which formed a
means of communication with the land, and which were cut through in
various places to allow a free passage to vessels sailing on the
waters of the lake. Across these openings were thrown bridges which
could be easily destroyed. On the eastern side of the town there was
no causeway and no means of communication with the land except by
canoes. This arrangement of the town of Mexico caused some anxiety
to Cortès, who saw that he might be at any moment blockaded in the
town, without being able to find means of egress. He determined,
therefore, to prevent any seditious attempt by securing the person
of the emperor, and using him as a hostage. The following news which
he had just received furnished him with an excellent pretext:
Qualpopoca, a Mexican general, had attacked the provinces which had
submitted to the Spaniards, and Escalante and seven of his soldiers
had been mortally wounded; besides this, a prisoner had been
beheaded and the head carried from town to town, thus proving that
the invaders could be conquered, and were nothing more than ordinary
mortals.
Cortès profited by these events to accuse the emperor of perfidy. He
declared that although Montezuma appeared friendly to him and to his
soldiers, it was only that he might wait for some favourable
opportunity to treat them in the same manner as Escalante, a
proceeding quite unworthy of a monarch, and very different from the
confidence which Cortès had shown in coming, as he had done, to
visit him. He went on to say that if the suspicions of the Spaniards
were not justified, the emperor could easily exonerate himself by
having Qualpopoca punished, and finally, to prevent the recurrence
of aggressions which could but destroy the existing harmony, and to
prove to the Mexicans that he harboured no ill-design against the
Spaniards, Montezuma could not do otherwise than come to reside
amongst them. It may be easily imagined that the emperor was not
very ready to decide upon this course, but was at last obliged to
give in to the violence and threats of the Spaniards. Upon
announcing his resolution to his subjects, he was made to assure
them several times over that he put himself into the hands of the
Spaniards of his own free will; these words were needed to calm the
Mexicans, who threatened to make an attack upon the foreigners.
The success of Cortès in this bold scheme was quite beyond his
expectations. Qualpopoca, with his son and five of the chief
ringleaders in the revolt, were seized by the Mexicans, and brought
before a Spanish tribunal, which was at the same time judge and
prosecutor; the Indians were condemned and burnt alive. Not content
with having punished men who had committed no crime but that of
executing the orders of their emperor, and of opposing an armed
resistance to the invasion of their country, Cortès imposed a new
humiliation upon Montezuma, in placing fetters upon his feet, under
the pretext that the culprits in their last moments had made
accusations against him. For six months the "Conquistador" exercised
the supreme government in the name of the emperor, now reduced to a
puppet-show of authority. Cortès changed the governors who
displeased him, collected the taxes, presided over all the details
of the administration, and sent Spaniards into the various provinces
of the empire with orders to examine their productions, and to take
particular notice of the mining districts and the processes in use
for collecting gold.
Cortès also turned to account the curiosity evinced by Montezuma to
see European ships, to have rigging and other appurtenances brought
from Vera-Cruz, and to order the construction of two brigantines
destined to ensure his communications with terra-firma by the waters
of the lake.
Emboldened by receiving so many proofs of submission and humility,
Cortès took another step in advance, and required that Montezuma
should declare himself the vassal and tributary of Spain. The act of
fidelity and homage was accompanied, as may be easily imagined, with
presents both rich and numerous, as well as by a heavy tax which was
levied without much difficulty. The opportunity was now taken to
gather together everything in gold and silver, which had been
extorted from the Indians, and to melt them down, except certain
pieces which were kept as they were, on account of the beauty of the
workmanship. The whole did not amount to more than 600,000 pesos, or
100,000-l.- Thus, although the Spaniards had made use of all their
power, and Montezuma had exhausted his treasures to satisfy them,
the whole product amounted to an absurdly small sum, very little in
accordance with the idea which the conquerors had formed of the
riches of the country. After reserving one-fifth of the treasure for
the king, and one-fifth for Cortès and subtracting enough to
reimburse the sums which had been advanced for the expenses of the
expedition, the share of each soldier did not amount to 100 -pesos-,
and they considered that it would have been more worth their while
to have remained in Hispaniola, than to have experienced such
fatigues, encountered such great dangers, and suffered so many
privations, all for the reward of 100 -pesos-! If the promises of
Cortès ended in this beggarly result, and if the partition had been
made with fairness, of which they did not feel certain, they argued
that it was absurd to remain longer in so poor a country, while
under a chief less prodigal in promises, but more generous, they
might go to countries rich in gold and precious stones, where brave
warriors would find an adequate compensation for their toils. So
murmured these greedy adventurers; some accepting what fell to their
share while fuming over its small amount, others disdainfully
refusing it.
Cortès had succeeded in persuading Montezuma to conform to his will
in everything which concerned politics, but it was otherwise in
regard to religion. He could not persuade him to change his creed,
and when Cortès wished to throw down the idols, as he had done at
Zempoalla, a tumult arose which would have become very serious, had
he not immediately abandoned his project. From that time the
Mexicans, who had offered scarcely any resistance to the subjugation
and imprisonment of their monarch, resolved to avenge their outraged
deities, and they prepared a simultaneous rising against the
invaders. It was at this juncture, when the affairs in the interior
seemed to be taking a less favourable turn, that Cortès received
news from Vera-Cruz, that several ships were cruising off the
harbour. At first he thought this must be a fleet sent to his aid by
Charles V., in answer to a letter which he had sent to him on the
16th of July, 1519, by Puerto Carrero and Montejo. But he was soon
undeceived, and learnt that this expedition was organized by Diego
Velasquez, who knew by experience how lightly his lieutenant could
shake off all dependence upon him; he had sent this armament with
the object of deposing Cortès from his command, of making him a
prisoner, and of carrying him off to Cuba, where he would be
speedily placed upon his trial. The fleet thus sent was under the
command of Pamphilo de Narvaez; it consisted of eighteen vessels,
and carried eighty horse-soldiers, and 100 infantry (of whom eighty
were musketeers), 120 cross-bowmen, and twelve cannons.
Narvaez disembarked without opposition, near to the fort of San Juan
d'Ulloa, but upon summoning the Governor of Vera-Cruz, Sandoval, to
give up the town to him, Sandoval seized the men who were charged
with the insolent message, and sent them off to Mexico, where Cortès
at once released them, and then gained from them circumstantial
information as to the forces, and the projects of Narvaez. The
personal danger of Cortès at this moment was great; the troops sent
by Velasquez were more numerous and better furnished with arms and
ammunition than were his own, but his deepest cause of anxiety was
not the possibility of his own condemnation and death, it was the
fear lest all fruit of his efforts might be lost, and the knowledge
of the hurtfulness of these dissensions to his country's cause. The
situation was a critical one, but after mature reflection and the
careful weighing of arguments for and against the course he
meditated, Cortès determined to fight, even at a disadvantage,
rather than to sacrifice his conquests and the interests of Spain.
Before proceeding to this last extremity, he sent his chaplain
Olmedo to Narvaez, but he was very ill-received, and saw all his
proposals for an accommodation disdainfully rejected. Olmedo met
with more success amongst the soldiers, who most of them knew him,
and to whom he distributed a number of chains, gold rings, and other
jewels, which were well calculated to give them a high idea of the
riches of the conqueror. But when Narvaez heard of what was going on,
he determined not to leave his troops any longer exposed to
temptation; he set a price upon the heads of Cortès and his
principal officers, and advanced to the encounter.
Cortès, however, was too skilful to be enticed into giving battle
under unfavourable circumstances. He temporized and succeeded in
tiring out Narvaez and his troops, who retired to Zempoalla. Then
Cortès, having taken his measures with consummate prudence, and the
surprise and terror of a nocturnal attack which he organized
compensating for the inferiority of his troops, he made prisoners of
his enemy and all his soldiers, his own loss amounting to but two
men. The conqueror treated the vanquished well, and gave them the
choice between returning to Cuba, or remaining to share his fortune.
This latter proposal, backed up as it was by gifts and promises,
appeared so seductive to the new arrivals, that Cortès found himself
at the head of 1000 soldiers, the day after he had been in danger of
falling into the hands of Narvaez. This rapid change of fortune was
turned to the greatest advantage by the skilful diplomacy of Cortès,
who hastened to return to Mexico. The troops whom he had left there
under the command of Alvarado, to guard the emperor and the treasure,
were reduced to the last extremity by the natives, who had killed or
wounded a great number of soldiers, and who kept the rest in a state
of close blockade, while threatening them constantly with a general
assault. It must be confessed that the imprudent and criminal
conduct of the Spaniards, and notably the massacre of the most
distinguished citizens of the empire during a fête, had brought
about the rising which they dreaded, and which they had hoped to
prevent. After having been joined by 2000 Tlascalans, Cortès pressed
forward by forced marches towards the capital, where he arrived in
safety, and found that the Indians had not destroyed the bridges
belonging to the causeways and dikes which joined Mexico to the land.
In spite of the arrival of this reinforcement, the situation did not
improve. Each day it was necessary to engage in new combats, and to
make sorties to clear the avenues leading to the palace occupied by
the Spaniards.
Cortès now saw but too plainly the mistake which he had made in
shutting himself up in a town where his position might be stormed at
any moment, and from which it was so difficult to extricate himself.
In this difficulty he had recourse to Montezuma, who, by virtue of
his authority and of the prestige which still clung to him, could
appease the tumult, give the Spaniards some respite, and enable them
to prepare for their retreat. But when the unfortunate emperor, now
become a mere toy in the hands of the Spaniards, appeared upon the
walls decked out with regal ornaments, and implored his subjects to
cease from hostilities, murmurs of discontent arose, and threats
were freely uttered. Hostilities began afresh, and before the
soldiers had time to protect him with their shields, Montezuma was
pierced with arrows, and hit upon the head by a stone which knocked
him down. At this sight the Indians, horrified at the crime which
they had just committed, at once ceased fighting, and fled in all
directions, while the emperor, understanding but too late all the
baseness of the part which Cortès had forced him to play, tore off
the bandages which had been applied to his wounds, and refusing all
nourishment, he died cursing the Spaniards.
[Illustration: Death of Montezuma.]
After so fatal an event, there was no more room to hope for peace
with the Mexicans, and it became necessary to retire in haste, and
at whatever cost, from a town in which the Spaniards were threatened
with blockade and starvation. For this retreat Cortès was preparing
in secret. He saw his troops each day more and more closely hemmed
in, whilst several times he was forced himself to take his sword in
his hand and to fight like a common soldier. Solis even relates, but
upon what authority is not known, that during an assault which was
made upon one of the edifices commanding the Spanish quarter, two
young Mexicans, recognizing Cortès, who was cheering on his soldiers,
resolved to sacrifice themselves in the hope of killing the man who
had been the author of their country's calamities. They approached
him in a suppliant attitude, as though they would ask for quarter,
then seizing him round the waist they dragged him towards the
battlements, over which they threw themselves, hoping to drag him
over with them. But thanks to his exceptional strength and agility
Cortès managed to escape from their embrace, and these two brave
Mexicans perished in their generous but vain attempt to save their
country.
The retreat being determined upon, it was necessary to decide upon
whether it should be carried out by night or by day. If in the
daytime the enemy would be more easily resisted, any ambuscades
which might be prepared would be more easily avoided, while they
could better take precautions to repair any bridges broken by the
Mexicans. On the other hand, it was known that the Indians will
seldom attack an enemy after sunset, but what really decided Cortès
in favour of a nocturnal retreat was, that a soldier who dabbled in
astrology had declared to his comrades that success was certain if
they acted in the night.
They therefore began their march at midnight. Besides the Spanish
troops, Cortès had under his orders detachments from Tlascala,
Zempoalla, and Cholula, which, notwithstanding the serious losses
which had been sustained, still numbered 7000 men. Sandoval
commanded the vanguard, and Cortès the centre, where were the cannon,
baggage, and prisoners, amongst whom were a son and two daughters of
Montezuma; Alvarado and Velasquez de Léon led the rearguard. With
the army was carried a flying bridge, which had been constructed to
throw over any gaps there might be in the causeway. Scarcely had the
Spaniards debouched upon the dike leading to Tacuba, which was the
shortest of all, when they were attacked in front, flank, and rear
by solid masses of the enemy, whilst from a fleet of numberless
canoes, a perfect hailstorm of stones and missiles fell upon them.
Blinded and amazed, the allies knew not against whom to defend
themselves first. The wooden bridge sank under the weight of the
artillery and fighting men. Crowded together upon a narrow causeway
where they could not use their fire-arms, deprived of their cavalry
who had not room to act, mingled with the Indians in a hand-to-hand
combat, not having strength to kill, and surrounded on all sides,
the Spaniards and their allies gave way under the ever renewed
numbers of the assailants. Officers and soldiers, infantry and
cavalry, Spaniards and Tlascalans were confounded together, each
defended himself to the best of his ability, without caring about
discipline or the common safety.
All seemed lost, when Cortès with one hundred men succeeded in
crossing the breach in the dike upon the mass of corpses which
filled it up. He drew up his soldiers in order as they arrived, and
putting himself at the head of those least severely wounded, plunged
wedge-fashion into the mêlée, and succeeded in disengaging from it a
portion of his men. Before day dawned all those who had succeeded in
escaping from the massacre of the -noche triste-, as this terrible
night was called, found themselves reunited at Tacuba. It was with
eyes full of tears that Cortès passed in review his remaining
soldiers, all covered with wounds, and took account of the losses
which he had sustained; 4000 Indians, Tlascalans, and Cholulans, and
nearly all the horses were killed, all the artillery and ammunition,
as well as the greatest part of the baggage, were lost, and amongst
the dead were several officers of distinction--Velasquez de Léon,
Salcedo, Morla, Larès, and many others; one of those most
dangerously hurt was Alvarado, but not one man, whether officer or
soldier, was without a wound.
The fugitives did not delay at Tacuba, and by accident they took the
road to Tlascala, where they did not know what reception might await
them. Ever harassed by the Mexicans, the Spaniards were again
obliged to give battle upon the plains of Otumba to a number of
warriors, whom some historians reckon at two hundred thousand.
Thanks to the presence of some cavalry soldiers who still remained
to him, Cortès was able to overthrow all who were in front of him,
and to reach a troop of persons whose high rank was easily discerned
by their gilded plumes and luxurious costumes, amongst whom was the
general bearing the standard. Accompanied by some horsemen, Cortès
threw himself upon this group and was fortunate enough, or skilful
enough, to overturn by a lance-thrust the Mexican general, who was
then despatched by the sword by a soldier named Juan de Salamanca.
From the moment when the standard disappeared the battle was gained,
and the Mexicans, panic-stricken, fled hastily from the field of
battle. "Never had the Spaniards incurred greater danger," says
Prescott, "and had it not been for the lucky star of Cortès, not one
would have survived to transmit to posterity the history of the
sanguinary battle of Otumba." The booty was considerable, and
sufficed in part, to indemnify the Spaniards for the loss they had
sustained in leaving Mexico, for this army which they had just
defeated was composed of the principal warriors of the nation, who,
having been quite confident of success, had adorned themselves with
their richest ornaments.
[Illustration: Cortès at the Battle of Otumba.]
The day after the battle the Spaniards entered the territory of
Tlascala. Bernal Diaz says, "I shall now call the attention of
curious readers to the fact that when we returned to Mexico to the
relief of Alvarado, we were in all 1300 men, including in that
number ninety-seven horsemen, eighty cross-bowmen, and the same
number armed with carbines; besides, we had more than 2000
Tlascalans, and much artillery. Our second entry into Mexico took
place on St. John's Day, 1520; our flight from the city was on the
10th day of the month of July following, and we fought the memorable
battle of Otumba on the 14th day of this same month of July. And now
I would draw attention to the number of men who were killed at
Mexico during the passage of the causeways and bridges, in the
battle of Otumba, and in the other encounters upon the route. I
declare that in the space of five days 860 of our men were massacred,
including ten of our soldiers and five Castilian women, who were
killed in the village of Rustepèque; we lost besides 1200 Tlascalans
during the same time. It is to be noticed also that if the number of
dead in the troop of Narvaez were greater than in the troop of
Cortès, it was because the former soldiers set out on the march
laden with a quantity of gold, the weight of which hindered them
from swimming, and from getting out of the trenches."
The troops with Cortès were reduced to four hundred and forty men,
with twenty horses, twelve cross-bowmen, and seven carabineers; they
had not a single charge of gunpowder, they were all wounded, lame,
or maimed in the arms. It was the same number of men that had
followed Cortès when he first entered Mexico, but how great a
difference was there between that conquering troop, and the
vanquished soldiers who now quitted the capital.
As they entered the Tlascalan territory Cortès recommended his men,
and especially those of Narvaez, not to do anything which could vex
the natives, the common safety depending upon not irritating the
only allies which remained to them. Happily the fears which had
arisen as to the fidelity of the Tlascalans proved groundless. They
gave the Spaniards a most sympathizing welcome, and their thoughts
seemed to be wholly bent upon avenging the death of their brothers
massacred by the Mexicans. While in their capital Cortès heard of
the loss of two more detachments, but these reverses, grave as they
were, did not discourage him; he had under his orders troops inured
to war and faithful allies, Vera-Cruz was intact, he might once more
reckon upon his good fortune. But before undertaking a new campaign
or entering upon another siege, help must be sought and preparations
made, and with these objects in view the general set to work. He
sent four ships to Hispaniola to enrol volunteers and purchase
powder and ammunition, and meanwhile he caused trees to be cut down
in the mountains of Tlascala, and with the wood thus obtained twelve
brigantines were constructed, which were to be carried in pieces to
the Lake of Mexico, to be launched there at the moment when needed.
After suppressing some attempts at mutiny amongst the soldiers, in
which those who had come with Narvaez were the most to blame, Cortès
again marched forwards, and, with the help of the Tlascalans, first
attacked the people of Tepeaca and of other neighbouring provinces,
a measure which had the advantage of exercising anew his own troops
in war, and of training his allies. While this was going on, two
brigantines bringing ammunition and reinforcements fell into the
hands of Cortès; these ships had been sent to Narvaez by Velasquez,
in ignorance of his misadventures; at this time also some Spaniards
sent by Francis de Garay, governor of Jamaica, joined the army. In
consequence of these reinforcements the troops with Cortès, after he
had rid himself of several partisans of Narvaez with whom he was
dissatisfied, amounted to five hundred infantry, of whom eighty
carried muskets, and forty horse-soldiers. With this small army, and
with one thousand Tlascalans, Cortès set out once more for Mexico on
the 28th of December, 1520, six months after he had been forced to
abandon the city. This campaign had for its theatre countries
already described, and must therefore be passed over somewhat
rapidly here, notwithstanding the interest attaching to it; to enter
fully into the history of the conquest of Mexico would not be in
accordance with the primary object of this work.
After the death of Montezuma his brother Quetlavaca was raised to
the throne, and he adopted all the measures of precaution compatible
with Aztec strategic science. But he died of the smallpox, the sad
gift of the Spaniards to the New World, at the very moment when his
brilliant qualities of foresight and bravery were the most needed by
his country. His successor was Guatimozin, the nephew of Montezuma,
a man distinguished by his talents and courage.
Cortès had no sooner entered the Mexican territory than fighting
began. He speedily captured the town of Tezcuco, which was situated
at twenty miles' distance, upon the edge of the great central lake,
that lake upon whose waters the Spaniards were to see an imposing
flotilla floating three months later. At this time a fresh
conspiracy, which had for its object the assassination of Cortès and
his principal officers, was discovered, and the chief culprit
executed. At this moment fate seemed in every way to smile upon
Cortès; he had just received the news of the arrival of fresh
reinforcements at Vera-Cruz, and the greater part of the towns under
the dominion of Guatimozin had submitted to the force of his arms.
The actual siege of Mexico began in the month of May, 1521, and
continued with alternate success and reverse until the day when the
brigantines were launched upon the water of the lake. The Mexicans
did not hesitate to attack them; from four to five thousand canoes,
each bearing two men, covered the lake and advanced to the assault
of the Spanish vessels, which carried in all nearly three hundred
men. These nine brigantines were provided with cannon, and soon
dispersed or sunk the enemy's fleet, who thenceforth left them in
undisputed possession of the water. But this success and certain
other advantages gained by Cortès had no very marked consequences,
and the siege dragged slowly on, until the general made up his mind
to capture the town by force. Unfortunately the officer who was
charged with protecting the line of retreat by the causeways while
the Spaniards were making their way into the town, abandoned his
post, thinking it unworthy of his valour, and went to join in the
combat. Guatimozin was informed of the fault which had been
committed, and at once took advantage of it. His troops attacked the
Spaniards on all sides with such fury that numbers of them were
killed in a short time, while sixty-two of the soldiers fell alive
into the hands of the Mexicans, a fate which Cortès, who was
severely wounded in the thigh, narrowly escaped sharing. During the
night following, the great temple of the war-god was illuminated in
sign of triumph, and the Spaniards listened in profound sadness to
the beating of the great drum. From the position they occupied they
could witness the end of the prisoners, their unfortunate countrymen,
whose breasts were opened and their hearts torn out, and whose dead
bodies were hurled down the steps; they were then torn in pieces by
the Aztecs, who quarrelled over the pieces with the object of using
them for a horrible festival.
This terrible defeat caused the siege to go on slowly, until the day
came when three parts of the city having been taken or destroyed,
Guatimozin was obliged by his councillors to quit Mexico and to set
out for the mainland, where he reckoned upon organizing his
resistance, but the boat which carried him being seized he was made
prisoner. In his captivity he was destined to display much greater
dignity and strength of character than his uncle Montezuma had done.
From this time all resistance ceased, and Cortès might take
possession of the half-destroyed capital. After a heroic resistance,
in which 120,000 Mexicans according to some accounts, but 240,000
according to others, had perished, after a siege which had lasted
not less than seventy days, Mexico, and with the city all the rest
of the empire, succumbed, less indeed to the blows dealt against it
by the Spaniards than to the long-standing hatred and the revolts of
the subjugated people, and to the jealousy of the neighbouring
states, fated soon to regret the yoke which they had so deliberately
shaken off.
Contempt and rage soon succeeded amongst the Spaniards to the
intoxication of success; the immense riches upon which they had
reckoned either had no existence, or they had been thrown into the
lake. Cortès found it impossible to calm the malcontents, and was
obliged to allow the emperor and his principal minister to be put to
the torture. Some historians, and notably Gomara, report that whilst
the Spaniards were stirring the fire which burnt below the gridiron
upon which the two victims were extended, the minister turned his
head towards his master and apparently begged him to speak, in order
to put an end to their tortures; but that Guatimozin reproved this
single moment of weakness by these words, "And I, am I assisting at
some pleasure, or am I in the bath?" an answer which has been
poetically changed into, "And I, do I lie upon roses?"
[Illustration: The Spaniards stir the fire burning below the
gridiron.]
The historians of the conquest of Mexico have usually stopped short
at the taking of Mexico, but it remains for us to speak of some
other expeditions undertaken by Cortès with different aims, but
which resulted in casting quite a new light upon some portions of
Central America; besides we could not leave this hero, who played so
large a part in the history of the New World and in the development
of its civilization, without giving some details of the end of his
life.
With the fall of the capital was involved, properly speaking, that
of the Mexican empire; if there were still some resistance, as
notably there was in the province of Oaxaca, it was of an isolated
character, and a few detachments of troops sufficed to reduce to
submission the last remaining opponents of the Spaniards, terrified
as the Mexicans were by the punishments which had been dealt out to
the people of Panuco, who had revolted. At the same time ambassadors
were sent by the people of the distant countries of the empire, to
convince themselves of the reality of that wonderful event, the
taking of Mexico, to behold the ruins of the abhorred town, and to
tender their submission to the conquerors.
Cortès was at length confirmed in the position he held after
incidents which would take too long to relate, and which caused him
to say, "It has been harder for me to fight against my countrymen
than against the Aztecs." It now remained to him to organize the
conquered country, and he began by establishing the seat of
government at Mexico, which he rebuilt. He attracted Spaniards to
the city by granting them concessions of lands, and the Indians, by
allowing them at first to remain under the authority of their native
chiefs, although he speedily reduced them all, except the Tlascalans,
to the condition of slaves, by the vicious system of -repartimientos-,
in vogue in the Spanish colonies. But if it is justifiable to reproach
Cortès with having held cheaply the political rights of the Indians,
it must be conceded that he manifested the most laudable solicitude
for their spiritual well-being. To further this object he brought over
some Franciscans, who by their zeal and charity in a short time gained
the veneration of the natives, and in a space of twenty years brought
about the conversion of the whole population.
At the same time Cortès sent some troops into the state of Mechoacan,
who penetrated as far as the Pacific Ocean, and as they returned
visited some of the rich provinces situated in the north. Cortès
founded settlements in all the parts of the country which appeared
to him advantageous: at Zacatula upon the shores of the Pacific, at
Coliman in Mechoacan, at Santesteban near Tampico, at Medellin near
Vera-Cruz, &c.
Immediately after the pacification of the country, Cortès entrusted
Christoval de Olid with the command of a considerable force, in
order to establish a colony in Honduras, and at the same time Olid
was to explore the southern coast of that province, and to seek for
a strait which should form a communication between the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans. But, carried away by the pride of command, Olid had
no sooner reached his destination than he declared himself
independent, whereupon Cortès immediately despatched one of his
relations to arrest the culprit, and set out himself, accompanied by
Guatimozin, at the head of one hundred horsemen and fifty
foot-soldiers, on the 12th of October, 1524. After crossing the
provinces of Goatzacoalco, Tabasco, and Yucatan, and enduring all
kinds of privations in the course of a most trying march over marshy
and shifting ground, and across a perfect ocean of undulating
forests, the detachment was approaching the province of Aculan, when
Cortès was told of the existence of a plot, formed, as was said, by
Guatimozin and the principal Indian chiefs. Its aim was to seize the
first opportunity to massacre both officers and soldiers, after
which the march to Honduras was to be continued, the settlements
were to be destroyed, and then there was to be a return to Mexico,
where during a general rising there would doubtless be small
difficulty experienced in getting rid of the invaders. Guatimozin in
vain protested his innocence, in which there is every reason to
believe; he was hung, as well as several of the Aztec nobles, upon
the branches of a -Ceyba- tree, which shaded the road. Bernal Diaz
del Castillo says, "The execution of Guatimozin was very unjust, and
we were all agreed in condemning it." But Prescott says, "If Cortès
had consulted but his own interest and his renown, he should have
spared him, for he was the living trophy of his victory, as a man
keeps gold in the lining of his coat."
At length the Spaniards reached Aculan, a flourishing town, where
they refreshed themselves after their journey in excellent quarters;
when they set out again, it was in the direction of the Lake of
Peten, a part of the country where the population was easily
converted to Christianity. We shall not dwell upon the sufferings
and misery which tried the expedition in these sparsely-peopled
countries, until it arrived at San Gil de Buena-Vista, upon the
Golfo Dolce, where Cortès, after receiving the news of the execution
of Olid and the re-establishment of the central authority, embarked
upon his return to Mexico. At this time he entrusted to Alvarado the
command of three hundred infantry, one hundred and sixty cavalry,
and four cannon, with a body of Indian auxiliaries, with which he
set out for the south of Mexico, to conquer Guatemala. He reduced to
submission the provinces of Zacatulan, Tehuantepec, Soconusco,
Utlatlan, and laid the foundations of the town of Guatemala la
Vieja; when, some time afterwards he made a voyage to Spain, he was
named by Charles V. governor of the countries which he had conquered.
Three years had not expired after the conquest, before a territory
1200 miles in length upon the sea-board of the Atlantic, and 1500
miles upon that of the Pacific, had submitted to the Castilian crown,
and with but few exceptions, was in a state of perfect tranquillity.
The return of Cortès to Mexico from the useless expedition to
Honduras--which had wasted so much time and caused almost as great
sufferings to the Spaniards as the conquest of Mexico--had taken
place but a few days, when he received the news that he was
temporarily replaced by another commander, and was invited to repair
to Spain to exculpate himself from certain charges. He was not in
any haste to comply with this order, hoping that it might be revoked,
but his indefatigable calumniators and his implacable enemies, both
in Spain and Mexico, preferred accusations against him after such a
manner, that he found himself obliged to go and make his defence, to
state his wrongs, and boldly to claim the approval of his conduct.
Cortès therefore started accompanied by his friend Sandoval, as well
as by Tapia und several Aztec chiefs, amongst whom was a son of
Montezuma. He disembarked at Palos, in May, 1528, at the same place
where Columbus had landed thirty-five years before, and he was
welcomed with the same enthusiasm and rejoicings as the discoverer
of America had been; here Cortès met with Pizarro, then at the
outset of his career, who was come to solicit the support of the
Spanish government. Cortès afterwards set out for Toledo, where the
court then was. The mere announcement of his return had produced a
complete change in public opinion. His unexpected arrival at once
contradicted the idea that he harboured any projects of revolt and
independence. Charles V. saw that public feeling would be outraged
at the thought of punishing a man who had added its greatest gem to
the crown of Castille, and so the journey of Cortès became one
continual triumph in the midst of crowds of people greater than had
been ever known before. "The houses and streets of the large towns
and of the villages," says Prescott, "were filled with spectators
impatient to contemplate the hero whose single arm might be said, in
some sort, to have conquered an empire for Spain, and who, to borrow
the language of an old historian, marched in all the pomp and glory,
not of a great vassal, but of an independent monarch."
Charles V., after having granted several audiences to Cortès, and
bestowed upon him those particular marks of favour which are termed
important by courtiers, deigned to accept from him the empire which
he had conquered for him, and the magnificent presents which he
brought. But he considered that he had fully recompensed him when he
had given Cortès the title of Marquis della Valle de Oajaca, and the
post of captain-general of New Spain, without, however, restoring to
him the civil government, a power which had been formerly delegated
to him by the junta of Vera-Cruz. Cortès, after his marriage with
the niece of the Duke de Béjar, who belonged to one of the first
families in Spain, accompanied the emperor, who was on his way to
Italy, to the port of embarkation; but the general, soon becoming
tired of the frivolities of a court, so little in accordance with
the active habits of his past life, set out again for Mexico in 1530,
and landed at Villa-Rica. After his arrival he underwent some
annoyance caused by the Audienza, which had exercised the power in
his absence, and which had instituted law-suits against him, and he
also found himself in conflict with the new civil junta on the
subject of military affairs. The Marquis della Valle withdrew
himself to Cuernavaca, where he had immense estates, and busied
himself with agriculture. He was the means of introducing the
sugar-cane and the mulberry into Mexico, he also encouraged the
cultivation of hemp and flax, and the breeding, on a large scale, of
merino sheep.
But this peaceable life without adventures could not long satisfy
the enterprising spirit of Cortès. In 1532 and 1533, he equipped two
squadrons destined to make voyages of discovery in the north-west of
the Pacific. The latter expedition reached the southern extremity of
the peninsula of California without attaining the object sought,
namely the discovery of a strait uniting the Pacific with the
Atlantic. Cortès himself met with no better success in 1536 in the
Vermilion Sea (Gulf of California). Three years later a concluding
expedition, of which Cortès gave the command to Ulloa, penetrated to
the farthest extremity of the gulf, and then, sailing along the
exterior side of the peninsula, reached the 29 degrees of north
latitude. From thence the chief of the expedition sent back one of
his ships to Cortès, while the rest proceeded northwards, but from
that time nothing more is heard of them. Such was the unhappy result
of the expeditions of Cortès, which, while they did not bring him in
a single ducat, cost him not less than 300,000 gold castellanos. But
they at least had the result of making known the coast of the
Pacific Ocean, from the Bay of Panama as far as Colorado. The tour
of the Californian Peninsula was made, and it was thus discovered
that what had been imagined to be an island, was in reality a part
of the continent. The whole of the Vermilion Sea, or Sea of Cortès,
as the Spaniards justly named it, was carefully explored, and it was
ascertained that, instead of having an outlet as was supposed to the
north, it was in reality only a gulf deeply hollowed into the
continent.
Cortès had not been able to fit out these expeditions without coming
into antagonism with the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza, whom the
emperor had sent to Mexico, an appointment which had wounded the
feelings of the Marquis della Valle. Wearied with these continual,
annoyances, and indignant at finding his prerogative as
captain-general, if not absolutely ignored, at least perpetually
questioned, Cortès left Mexico, and once more set out for Spain. But
this journey was not destined at all to resemble the first. Grown
old, disgusted with life, and betrayed by fortune, the
"conquistador" had no longer anything to expect from government. He
had not to wait long before receiving proof of this; one day he
pressed through the crowd which surrounded the emperor's coach, and
mounted upon the step of the door. Charles V. pretended not to
recognize him, and asked who this man was. Cortès answered proudly,
"It is the man who has given you more States than your father left
you Towns." By this time public interest was diverted from Mexico,
which had not yielded as much as had been expected from it, and was
centred upon the marvellous riches of Peru. Cortès was, however,
received with honour by the supreme council of the Indies, and
permitted to state his complaints before it, but the debates upon
the subject were endlessly drawn out, and he could obtain no redress.
In 1541, during the disastrous expedition of Charles V. against
Algiers, Cortès, who was serving in it as a volunteer, but whose
counsels had not been listened to, had the misfortune to lose three
great carved emeralds, jewels which would have sufficed for the
ransom of an empire. Upon his return he renewed his solicitations,
but with the same want of success. His grief over this injustice and
these repeated disappointments was so deep, that his health suffered
severely; he died far from the scene of his exploits, on the 10th of
November, 1547, at Castilleja de la Cuesta, at the very moment when
he was making preparations to return to America.
"He was a true knight errant," says Prescott; "of all that glorious
troop of adventurers which the Spain of the sixteenth century sent
forth to a career of discovery and conquest, there was not one more
deeply imbued with the spirit of romantic enterprise than Fernando
Cortès. Strife was his delight, and he loved to attempt an
enterprise by its most difficult side."...
This passion for the romantic might have reduced the conqueror of
Mexico to the part of a common adventurer, but Cortès was certainly
a profound politician and a great captain, if one is justified in
giving this name to a man who accomplished great actions by his own
unassisted genius. There is no other example in history of so great
an enterprise having been carried to a successful end with such
inadequate means. It may be said with truth that Cortès conquered
Mexico with his own resources alone. His influence over the minds of
his soldiers was the natural result of their confidence in his
ability, but it must be attributed also to his popular manners,
which rendered him eminently fit to lead a band of adventurers. When
he had attained to a higher rank, if Cortès displayed more of pomp,
his veterans at least continued on the same terms of intimacy with
him as before. In finishing this portrait of the "conquistador," we
shall quote the upright and veracious Bernal Diaz, with whose
sentiments we fully agree. "He preferred his name of Cortès to all
the titles by which he might be addressed, and he had good reasons
for it, for the name of Cortès is as famous in our days as that of
Cesar amongst the Romans, or Hannibal amongst the Carthaginians."
The old chronicler ends by a touch which vividly depicts the
religious spirit of the sixteenth century: "Perhaps he was destined
to receive his reward only in a better world, and I fully believe it
to be so; for he was an honest knight, very sincere in his devotions
to the Virgin, to the Apostle St. Peter, and to all the saints."
III.
THE CONQUERORS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
The triple alliance--Francisco Pizarro and his brothers--Don Diego
d'Almagro--First attempts--Peru, its extent, people, and kings--
Capture of Atahualpa, his ransom and death--Pedro d'Alvarado--
Almagro in Chili--Strife among the conquerors--Trial and execution
of Almagro--Expeditions of Gonzalo Pizarro and Orellana--
Assassination of Francisco Pizarro--Rebellion and execution of his
brother Gonzalo.
The information which had been gained by Balboa as to the riches of
the countries situated to the south of Panama had scarcely become
known to the Spaniards before several expeditions were organized to
attempt the conquest of them. But all had failed, either from the
means used being insufficient, or from the commanders not being
equal to the greatness of the undertaking. It must be confessed also
that the localities explored by these first adventurers--these
pioneers, as they would be called now-a-days--did not at all come up
to what Spanish greed had expected from them, and for this reason,
that all the attempts had been hitherto made upon what was then
called "Terra Firma," a country pre-eminently unhealthy, mountainous,
marshy, and covered with forests; the inhabitants were few, but of
so warlike a disposition that they had added another obstacle to all
those which nature had strewn with so prodigal a hand in the path of
the invaders. Little by little, therefore, the enthusiasm had cooled,
and the wonderful narratives of Balboa were mentioned only to be
turned into ridicule.
[Illustration: Francisco Pizarro. -From an old print-.]
There lived, however, in Panama a man well able to weigh the truth
of the reports which had been circulated concerning the richness of
the countries bathed by the Pacific; this man was Francisco Pizarro,
who had accompanied Muñez de Balboa to the southern sea, and who now
associated with himself two other adventurers, Diego de Almagro and
Ferdinand de Luque. A few words must be said about the chiefs of the
enterprise. Francisco Pizarro, born near Truxillo between the years
1471 and 1478, was the natural son of a certain Captain Gonzalo
Pizarro, who had taught the boy nothing but to take care of pigs; he
was soon tired of this occupation, and took advantage of his having
allowed one of the animals who were in his charge to stray, not to
return to the paternal roof, where he was accustomed to be cruelly
beaten for the smallest peccadillo. The young Pizarro enlisted, and
after passing some years amidst the Italian wars, he followed
Christopher Columbus to Hispaniola in 1510. He served there with
distinction, and also in Cuba; afterwards he accompanied Hojeda to
Darien, discovered, as has been already mentioned, the Pacific, with
Balboa, and after the execution of the latter, he assisted Pedrarias
Davila, whose favourite he had become, in the conquest of all the
country known as Castille d'Or.
While Pizarro was an illegitimate child, Diego de Almagro was a
foundling, picked up according to some in 1475 at Aldea del Rey, but
according to others at Almagro, from which circumstance, as they
maintain, he derived his name. He was educated in the midst of
soldiers, and while still young went to America, where he had
succeeded in amassing a small fortune.
Ferdinand de Luque was a rich ecclesiastic of Tobago, who exercised
the calling of a schoolmaster at Panama. The youngest of these
adventurers was by this time more than fifty years of age, and
Garcilasso de la Vega relates that upon their project being known,
they became the objects of general derision; Ferdinand de Luque was
the most laughed at, and was called by no other name than -Hernando
el Loco-, Ferdinand the Fool. The terms of partnership were soon
agreed upon between these three men, of whom two at least were
without fear, if they were not all three without reproach. Luque
furnished money needed for the armament of the vessels and the pay
of the soldiers, and Almagro bore an equal part in the expense, but
Pizarro, who possessed nothing but his sword, was to pay his
contribution in another manner. It was he who took the command of
the first attempt, upon which we shall dwell in some detail, because
it was then that the perseverance and inflexible obstinacy of the
"conquistador" first came fully into sight.
One of the historians of the conquest of Peru, Augustin de Zarate,
relates as follows:--"Having then asked and obtained the permission
of Pedro Arias d'Avila, Francisco Pizarro after much trouble
equipped a vessel upon which he embarked with 140 men. At the
distance of 150 miles from Panama he discovered a small and poor
province named Peru, which caused the same name to be henceforward
improperly bestowed upon all the country which was discovered along
that coast for the space of more than 3600 miles in length. Passing
onwards he discovered another country, which the Spaniards called
-the burnt people-. The Indians slew so many of his men that he was
constrained to retire in great disorder to the country of Chinchama,
which is not far distant from the place whence he had started.
Almagro, however, who had remained at Panama, fitted out a ship
there, upon which he embarked with seventy Spaniards, and descended
the coast as far as the River San Juan, 300 miles from Panama. Not
having met with Pizarro, he went back northwards as far as -the
burnt people-, where, having ascertained by certain indications that
Pizarro had been there, he landed his men. But the Indians, puffed
up by the victory which they had gained over Pizarro, resisted
bravely, forced the entrenchments with which Almagro had covered his
position, and obliged him to re-embark. He returned therefore, still
following the coast-line until he arrived at Chinchama, where he
found Francisco Pizarro. They were much rejoiced at meeting again,
and having added to their followers some fresh soldiers whom they
had levied, they found their troops amounted to 200 Spaniards, and
once more they descended the coast. They suffered so much from
scarcity of provisions and from the attacks of the Indians, that Don
Diego returned to Panama to collect more recruits and to obtain
provisions. He took back with him eighty men, with whom and with
those who remained to them, they went as far as the country called
Catamez, a country moderately peopled and where they found abundance
of provisions. They noticed that the Indians of these parts who
attacked them and made war against them, had their faces studded
with nails of gold inserted in holes which they had made expressly
for receiving these ornaments. Diego de Almagro returned once again
to Panama, whilst his companion waited for him and for the
reinforcements which he was to bring with him, in a small island
called Cock Island, where he suffered much from the scarcity of all
the necessaries of life."
[Illustration: The Indians kill many of the Spaniards.]
Upon his arrival in Panama, Almagro could not obtain permission from
Los Rios, the successor of Avila, to make new levies, for he had no
right, Los Rios said, to allow a greater number of people to go and
perish uselessly in a rash enterprise; he even sent a boat to Cock
Island to bring away Pizarro and his companions. But such a decision
could not be pleasing to Almagro and De Luque. It meant expense
thrown away; and it meant the annihilation of the hopes which the
sight of the ornaments of gold and silver of the inhabitants of
Catamez had caused them to entertain. They sent therefore a trusty
person to Pizarro, to recommend him to persevere in his resolution,
and to refuse to obey the orders of the Governor of Panama. But
Pizarro in vain held out the most seductive promises; the
remembrance of the fatigues which had been endured was too recent,
and all his companions except twelve abandoned him.
With these intrepid men, whose names have been preserved, and
amongst whom was Garcia de Xerès, one of the historians of the
expedition, Pizarro retired to an uninhabited island at a greater
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